3 (16) August 1917

Comrades, the resolution introduced at one of the previous sessions has been reworked in the resolutions commission. I present it to you in its amended form.

ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION

1. The development of the class struggle and the interrelationship of parties in the context of the imperialist war, in connection with the crisis at the front and Russia's growing dependence on Allied capital, led to the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary imperialist bourgeoisie, relying on a military clique from the commanding heights and shielded by the revolutionary screen of the leaders of petty-bourgeois socialism.

2. After the overthrow of tsarism, power passed to the bourgeoisie due to its economic strength and political organization. However, striving to continue the imperialist war and to safeguard the rapaciously high profits of capital and landlord landownership, the bourgeoisie could not retain power given the full political freedom and arming of the masses that the revolution had brought.

The proletariat and peasantry, having organized themselves into Soviets of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, inevitably strove to end the imperialist slaughter of peoples for the sake of the capitalists' interests and to curb their marauding in war supplies, as well as to transfer the landed estates to the peasants.

The very first crisis, which erupted [3–4 May] 20–21 April, would inevitably have led to the fall of the bourgeois Provisional Government and to the peaceful transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets, had their leaders, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, not saved the government of the capitalists by tying the Soviets to its fate in the guise of a coalition ministry.

3. The dominance of the petty-bourgeois parties—the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks—among the representatives of the peasantry and small proprietors in general, as well as among a section of the workers who had not yet freed themselves from the influence of the bourgeoisie, took shape naturally due to the petty-bourgeois character of the overwhelming mass of Russia’s population. Given the trustful, unconscious attitude of this mass toward the capitalists, it was natural that, for a certain time, there would be an infatuation with the dream of replacing acute class struggle with peaceful conciliation between workers and capitalists, peasants and landlords.

4. Under the dominance of these parties, the Soviets inevitably descended lower and lower, ceasing to be organs of insurrection, as well as organs of state power, and their decisions inevitably turned into powerless resolutions and innocent wishes.

But the bourgeoisie at that time, playing with "socialist" ministers, was delaying the elections to the Constituent Assembly, hindering the transfer of land to the peasants, sabotaging every effort to combat the economic collapse, and, with the support of the Soviets, preparing an offensive at the front, i.e., the resumption of the imperialist war, thereby organizing the forces of counter-revolution.

5. The growing discontent of the masses with the high cost of living, the devastation, and the protraction of the war found expression in the intensification of the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, which pushed the revolution forward and remained unwaveringly hostile to the imperialist war. In the face of this intensification of the class struggle, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, entangled in conciliation with the bourgeoisie and in support of the offensive policy, inevitably shifted to supporting the counter-revolutionary Cadets against the proletariat.

Already during the [22] 9 June crisis, Tsereteli proposed disarming the Petrograd workers and the revolutionary regiments. The [1 July] 18 June demonstration showed with particular clarity that the SRs and Mensheviks had definitively diverged from the aspirations of the masses.

And when the spontaneous movement of July 3–4 [16–17] broke out, when the party of the proletariat, fulfilling its revolutionary duty, sided with the justly indignant, outraged masses — then the SRs and Mensheviks, faced with the necessity of a break with the bourgeoisie but fearing this break above all, responded with a decisive shift to open struggle against the revolutionary proletariat and the revolutionary troops, summoning politically unaware troops to Petrograd, approving the smashing and closure of internationalist newspapers, the disarming of the revolutionary troops and workers, the death penalty at the front, the arrests of Bolsheviks, and so on and so forth.

6. By virtue of this course of events, state power at the present time has in fact ended up in the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie, supported by the military clique. It is precisely this imperialist dictatorship that has carried out and is carrying out all the above-mentioned measures of destroying political freedom, violence against the masses, and ruthless persecution of the internationalist proletariat, amidst the complete impotence and inaction of the central institution of the Soviets, the Central Executive Committee.

7. The slogan of transferring power to the Soviets, advanced by the first upsurge of the revolution and propagated by our Party, was a slogan of the peaceful development of the revolution, of a painless transfer of power from the bourgeoisie to the workers and peasants, of the gradual overcoming by the petty bourgeoisie of its illusions.

At the present time, the peaceful development of the revolution and the painless transfer of power to the Soviets have become impossible, for power has already passed in fact into the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie.

The only correct slogan at the present time can be the complete liquidation of the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie.

8. The success of this upsurge depends on whether the majority of the people realize sufficiently quickly and firmly the utter ruinousness of hopes for compromise with the bourgeoisie—hopes expressed and supported by the parties of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The course of events refutes these hopes with extreme harshness.

The Party must take upon itself the role of an advanced fighter against the counter-revolution; energetically defend all the freedoms won and the rights established by actual practice; defend against counter-revolutionary encroachments all mass organizations (Soviets, factory and plant committees, soldiers' and peasants' committees); with all its forces preserve and strengthen the positions won in these bodies by the internationalist wing; energetically struggle for influence within them, rallying around itself all elements that are adopting the standpoint of a consistent struggle against the counter-revolution.

The proletariat must not succumb to the provocation of the counter-revolution, which would very much like at this moment to provoke it into a premature battle. It must direct all efforts toward organizing and preparing forces for the moment when a nationwide crisis and a deep mass upsurge create favorable conditions for the transition of the poor in the cities and countryside to the side of the workers — against the bourgeoisie.

9. The task of these revolutionary classes will then be to strain every effort to seize state power into their own hands and to direct it, in alliance with the revolutionary proletariat of the advanced countries, towards peace and the socialist reconstruction of society.

Chairman (Ya. M. Sverdlov. — Ed.). In view of the fact that the resolution as a whole has been subjected to detailed examination, I propose that at this session we discuss it point by point. Are there any objections? We shall proceed to a reading by points. Stalin reads out point 1: "1. The development of the class struggle and the interrelationship of parties in the conditions of the imperialist war, in connection with the crisis at the front and the growing dependence of Russia on Allied capital, have led to the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary imperialist bourgeoisie, relying on a military clique from the commanding heights and screened by a revolutionary façade by the leaders of petty-bourgeois socialism." Chairman. Are there any amendments to this point? No amendments have been proposed. I put point 1 to the vote. Point 1 is voted on. Chairman. Adopted. Stalin reads out point 2: "2. Upon the overthrow of tsarism, power passed to the bourgeoisie owing to its economic strength and political organization. But, striving to continue the imperialist war and to safeguard the rapaciously high profits of capital and landlord landownership, the bourgeoisie could not retain power under the full political freedom and arming of the masses that the revolution provided."

The proletariat and the peasantry, having organized themselves into the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, inevitably strove to end the imperialist slaughter of nations for the benefit of the capitalists and to curb their marauding in military supplies, as well as to transfer the landed estates to the peasants. The very first crisis, which erupted on [May 3–4] April 20–21, would inevitably have led to the fall of the bourgeois Provisional Government and to a peaceful transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets, had their leaders, the SRs and Mensheviks, not saved the government of the capitalists by linking the Soviets to its fate under the guise of a coalition ministry."

Ioffe. I move the following amendment. It should be added: "in view of the voluntary renunciation of power by the leaders of the proletariat," as was stated by Milyukov.

Stalin. There was indeed a renunciation, but what matters to us is the objective fact — the insufficient consciousness of the masses, led by the SRs and Mensheviks, and not the subjective motive — the unwillingness of the leaders to take power. Therefore, I propose that this amendment be rejected.

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. The amendment is voted on.

Chairman. Rejected.

Pavlovich. I propose either to delete the words "in military supplies," or to insert before these words "for instance" or "mainly," since military supplies are only one form of the marauding practiced by the bourgeoisie.

Stalin. I have no objection to this amendment, but I would prefer to insert "mainly."

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. The amendment is voted on.

Chairman. Adopted.

Ravich. I propose to highlight the role of foreign capital in the fate of our revolution by pointing out that power passed into the hands of the bourgeoisie not only as a result of the enumerated causes, but also "thanks to the support of the foreign bourgeoisie."

Stalin. I consider this insertion superfluous, since the role of foreign capital has been clarified in the preceding point, which speaks of the role of Allied capital.

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. The amendment is voted on.

Chairman. Rejected.

Are there any more amendments? I put point 2 to a vote. Point 2 is voted on.

Chairman. Adopted.

Stalin reads point 3: "3. The dominance of the petty-bourgeois parties of the SRs and Mensheviks among the representatives of the peasantry and small proprietors in general, as well as among a section of the workers who had not yet freed themselves from the influence of the bourgeoisie, arose naturally by virtue of the petty-bourgeois character of the overwhelming mass of Russia's population." "Given the trustingly unconscious attitude of this mass toward the capitalists, a certain period of infatuation with the dream of replacing acute class struggle with peaceful conciliation between workers and capitalists, and between peasants and landowners, was natural." Chairman. Are there any amendments? I vote on point 3. Adopted. Stalin reads point 4: "4. Under the dominance of these parties, the Soviets inevitably descended lower and lower, ceased to be organs of insurrection, as well as organs of state power, and their decisions inevitably turned into impotent resolutions and innocuous wishes."

And the bourgeoisie at this time, playing with "socialist" ministers, dragged out the elections to the Constituent Assembly, hindered the transfer of land to the peasants, sabotaged every struggle against the devastation, prepared — supported by the Soviets — an offensive at the front, i.e., the renewal of the imperialist war, organizing by all this the forces of counter-revolution."

The Chairman. An amendment has been introduced: to replace the words "supported by the Soviets" with the words "[with the approval] of the majority of the Soviets."

Stalin. I do not object to this amendment.

The Chairman. I put the introduced amendment to a vote. Adopted.

Slesarev. I propose replacing the words "organs of insurrection" with the words "organs of revolution."

The Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. Rejected.

I put paragraph 4 to a vote. Adopted.

Stalin reads out paragraph 5 of the resolution:

"5. The growing discontent of the masses with high prices, devastation, and the prolongation of the war found expression in the intensification of the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, which pushed the revolution forward and remained unwaveringly hostile to the imperialist war. In the face of this intensification of the class struggle, the SRs and Mensheviks, entangled in conciliation with the bourgeoisie and in support of the offensive policy, inevitably went over to supporting the counter-revolutionary Cadets against the proletariat. Already during the crisis of [22] June 9, Tsereteli proposed disarming the Petrograd workers and the revolutionary regiments. The demonstration of [July 1] June 18 showed with particular clarity that the SRs and Mensheviks had definitively broken with the aspirations of the masses."

And when the spontaneous movement of July 3–4 [16–17] erupted, when the party of the proletariat, fulfilling its revolutionary duty, sided with the justly indignant, outraged masses — then the SRs and Mensheviks, faced with the necessity of breaking with the bourgeoisie, but fearing this break more than anything else, responded with a decisive shift to open struggle against the revolutionary proletariat and the revolutionary troops, summoned non-conscious troops to Petrograd, approved the smashing and closure of internationalist newspapers, the disarming of revolutionary troops and workers, the death penalty at the front, the arrests of Bolsheviks, and so on and so forth."
Pavlovich. I propose adding at the beginning of the paragraph, after the words "the proletariat," the words "and the revolutionary troops."
Stalin. A similar insertion is made further on, so I propose withdrawing the amendment.
Chairman. Comrade Pavlovich, do you not insist on your amendment? The amendment is withdrawn.
Yurenev. I propose replacing the word "approved" with the word "provoked," as this intensifies the guilt of the petty-bourgeois parties, which at that time held power in their hands. Evidence of this is Voitinsky's speech in the Central Executive Committee and in the Soviet, where all counter-revolutionary measures were approved, up to and including the proposal to sink ships.
Stalin. I am against the proposed amendment, since the majority of the petty-bourgeois parties did not know in advance about all the measures being taken, and therefore the responsibility for these measures being "provoked" lies not on the entire petty bourgeoisie, but on its leaders. The Menshevik and SR parties did not protest against the application of the listed measures, hence they "approved" them.
Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. It is rejected.
Yurenev. I propose deleting the word "non-conscious" before the word "troops," as such a qualification is superfluous.
Stalin. I insist on this qualification, since specially summoned were non-conscious, reactionary troops, consisting of Cossacks, cadets, and the like. This was officially declared in the Soviet. Later the petty-bourgeois parties themselves became frightened of what they had done, since the officers were already ready to pacify not only the Bolsheviks, but also the Mensheviks and SRs. "Blood for blood," they said.
Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. It is rejected. Are there any more amendments? I vote on point 5. Adopted.

Stalin reads point 6: "6. By virtue of such a course of events, at the present time state power has in fact ended up in the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie, supported by the military clique. It is precisely this imperialist dictatorship that has carried out and is carrying out all the above-listed measures of destroying political freedom, violence against the masses, and merciless persecution of the internationalist proletariat, given the complete impotence and inaction of the central institution of the Soviets, the Central Executive Committee."

Skrypnik. I propose restoring the previous wording of point 6 or, at the very least, inserting the words "in the decisive points, namely at the front and in Petrograd."

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. Rejected.

Stalin. I propose adding to this point a part of point 7, eliminated in the commission: "The Soviets are experiencing a painful agony, decomposing due to the fact that they did not take all state power into their own hands in time."

Solovyov. I am against this insertion, since such a characterization is entirely unsuitable for the provincial Soviets, where they continue to develop.

Stalin. I speak in favor of inserting this paragraph, because not only in Petrograd, but also in the provinces, the Soviets have lost their power. Just let them try now to arrest or remove some official, as happened before! This could be followed by the dispersal of the Soviets. The counter-revolution manifested itself more strongly in the capital, but it is also advancing in the provinces.

Chairman. I put the addition to a vote. Adopted.

Yurenev. I propose deleting the word "decomposing" from the adopted addition.

Stalin. Comrades, the decomposition of the Soviets is an objective fact, and it is not for us, the Bolsheviks, to conceal facts.

Chairman. I put Comrade Yurenev's amendment to a vote. Rejected. I put point 6 to a vote. Adopted.

Stalin reads out point 7: "7. The slogan of transferring power to the Soviets, advanced during the first upsurge of the revolution and propagated by our party, was a slogan for the peaceful development of the revolution, the painless transfer of power from the bourgeoisie to the workers and peasants, and the gradual overcoming of the petty bourgeoisie's illusions. At the present time, the peaceful development of the revolution and the painless transfer of power to the Soviets have become impossible, since power has in fact already passed into the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. The only correct slogan at the present time can be the complete liquidation of the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie."

Skrypnik. I propose that the need to struggle against the counter-revolution be emphasized even more strongly and, in contrast to the opportunists, that the inevitability of the struggle against the bourgeoisie be pointed out.

Stalin. I agree in essence with Comrade Skrypnik, but he has not introduced a specific amendment.

Smilga. I propose that after the words about the need to struggle against the counter-revolution, the deleted words from the former point 8 be inserted: "Only the revolutionary proletariat, provided it is supported by the poorest peasantry, is capable of fulfilling this task, which is the task of a new revolution in Russia." I insist on this insertion, since it clearly outlines the role of the proletariat and the poorest peasantry in the new upsurge of the revolution.

Skrypnik. Why did the commission speak out against such an ending to the point?

Nogin. The majority of the commission was against excessive repetition, since this idea is already contained in other points.

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. Adopted. I put point 7 to a vote. Adopted.

Stalin reads point 8: "8. The success of this upsurge depends on whether the majority of the people sufficiently quickly and firmly realizes the utter ruinousness of hopes for compromise with the bourgeoisie—hopes that are expressed and supported by the parties of the SRs and Mensheviks. The course of events refutes these hopes with extreme cruelty. The Party must assume the role of a leading fighter against counterrevolution; energetically defend all the freedoms won and the rights established by direct action; defend against counterrevolutionary encroachments all mass organizations (Soviets, factory committees, soldiers' and peasants' committees); by all means preserve and strengthen the positions won in these bodies by the internationalist wing; energetically struggle for influence within them, rallying around itself all elements that are shifting to the standpoint of a consistent struggle against counterrevolution. The proletariat must not succumb to the provocations of the counterrevolution, which would very much like at this moment to draw it into a premature battle. It must direct all efforts toward organizing and preparing forces for the moment when a nationwide crisis and a deep mass upsurge create favorable conditions for the transition of the urban and rural poor to the side of the workers against the bourgeoisie."

Yurenev. I propose inserting in the first place "Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies."

Stalin. I accept this amendment.

Chairman. I put the proposed amendment to a vote. Adopted.

Solovyov. I propose deleting the word "nationwide."

Stalin. I speak in favor of retaining this definition, since we can speak of a crisis at the front and of an economic crisis, but in this passage we specifically wish to point to the scale of this crisis, to its nationwide scope.

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. Rejected. I put the point as a whole to a vote. Adopted.

Stalin reads point 9 of the resolution: "9. The task of these revolutionary classes will then be to exert all efforts to seize state power in their own hands and to direct it, in alliance with the revolutionary proletariat of the advanced countries, toward peace and the socialist reconstruction of society." Preobrazhensky. I propose a different wording for the end of the resolution: "to direct it toward peace and, given a proletarian revolution in the West, toward socialism." If we adopt the commission's wording, there will be a discrepancy with the already adopted resolution of Comrade Bukharin. Stalin. I am against such an ending to the resolution. The possibility is not excluded that it is precisely Russia that will prove to be the country blazing the path to socialism. Until now, no country has enjoyed such freedom as existed in Russia, nor has any attempted to implement workers' control over production.

Furthermore, the base of our revolution is broader than in Western Europe, where the proletariat stands face to face with the bourgeoisie in complete isolation. In our country, the workers are supported by the poorest strata of the peasantry. Finally, in Germany the apparatus of state power functions incomparably better than the imperfect apparatus of our bourgeoisie, which itself is a tributary of European capital.

We must discard the outdated notion that only Europe can show us the way. There is dogmatic Marxism and creative Marxism. I stand on the ground of the latter.

Chairman. I put Comrade Preobrazhensky’s amendment to a vote. Rejected.

Yurenev. I propose replacing the word “battle” with the word “action,” since the meaning will remain the same, while the criminality of the clause disappears.

Stalin. I am against this amendment. Amendments should be introduced on their merits. The Congress cannot proceed from the “criminality” of one expression or another. If we replace the word “battle,” an impression is created that we are renouncing all actions (demonstrations, strikes, etc.), whereas we want to restrain the proletariat only from a battle into which the bourgeoisie wants to provoke it.

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. Rejected.

Skrypnik. I propose replacing “the task of these revolutionary classes” with the words “the task of the proletariat.”

Chairman. I put the amendment to a vote. Rejected. I put point 9 to a vote. Adopted.

Skrypnik. I propose dividing the last point into two parts.

Chairman. I put the proposal to a vote. Adopted. I vote on the resolution as a whole. Adopted unanimously with 4 abstentions.

The floor is given to Comrade Stalin.

Stalin. Comrades, I propose nominating for the Constituent Assembly the candidacies of Comrades Lenin, Zinoviev, Kollontai, Trotsky, Lunacharsky. (Loud applause.)

Nogin. I propose confirming all the resolutions of the April Conference. (Applause.)

Stalin. Comrades, the commission for drafting a manifesto to all the workers of the world did not manage to finish its work. I propose that the Central Committee issue it on behalf of the Congress.

Minutes of the Sixth Congress of the RSDLP(b). Moscow, 1934. Pp. 14–21, 27–29, 107–111, 117–120, 138–140, 226–234.