Translated from: ru/1917/1917-08-09_zaklyuchitelnoe_slovo_27_iyulya_9_avgusta.txt

None of the comrades criticized the political line of the CC; none of the speakers challenged the slogans themselves. The CC put forward three basic slogans: all power to the Soviets, control over production, and confiscation of the landlords' land. These slogans won the sympathy of the working masses and the soldiers. These slogans proved to be correct, and in fighting on this ground we did not lose the masses. I consider this the basic fact that speaks in favor of the CC. If in the most difficult moments the CC issues the correct slogans, it means that it is fundamentally right.

The criticism concerned not the essential but the secondary. It boiled down to pointing out that the CC did not establish ties with the provinces and that its activity was confined mainly to Petrograd. The reproach of being cut off from the provinces is not without foundation. But there was no possibility of covering all the actions. The reproach that the CC in effect became the Petersburg Committee is partly justified. That is so. But here, in Petrograd, the policy of Russia is being forged. Here is the battering ram of the revolution. The provinces react to what is being done in Petrograd. This is explained by the fact that the Provisional Government, which concentrates all power in its hands, is here. The CEC, as the voice of the entire organized revolutionary democracy, is here. (About 23 million are organized in the Soviets.)

On the other hand, events are racing forward, a muffled struggle is going on, and there is no assurance that the existing government will not be swept away tomorrow. Under such conditions, it was unthinkable to wait for our friends from the provinces to join us. It is well known that the CEC decides questions of revolution without consulting the provinces. They have the entire governmental apparatus in their hands. And what do we have? The only battering ram is the revolutionary worker and soldier. And to demand that the CC take no steps without first consulting the provinces means to demand that the CC march not at the head of events but behind them and merely register accomplished facts in its resolutions. But that would be no CC. Only by following the method we adhered to were we able to remain equal to the demands of the situation.

There were reproaches of a particular nature. Comrades spoke of the failure of the action of 3-5 [16-18] July. Yes, comrades, it was a failure, but it was not an uprising -- it was a demonstration. The breach of the front and the treacherous behavior of the frightened petty-bourgeois parties, the Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik parties, who turned their backs on the revolution, explain the failure of the revolution, not the failure of our party. Comrade Bezrabotny said that the CC did not take care to flood Petrograd and the provinces with leaflets explaining the events of 3-5 [16-18] July. But our printing press was demolished, and there was no physical possibility of printing anything in other printing houses, as that threatened them with demolition.

The state of affairs here was, after all, not so bad: if in some quarters we were arrested, in others we were met with greeting and extraordinary enthusiasm. And now the mood of the Petrograd workers is excellent; the prestige of the Bolsheviks is high.

I would like to raise a number of questions. First, how should we deal with the slander? In connection with the recent events, it is necessary to compose a manifesto to the entire population, explaining all the events, for which a commission should be elected. And to this same commission, if you elect it, I propose that it issue an appeal to the revolutionary workers and soldiers of Germany, England, France, and other countries with information about the events of 3-5 [16-18] July. We are the most advanced section of the proletariat; we bear responsibility for the entire revolution. We must tell the truth about events. Second, regarding the decision of Comrades Lenin and Zinoviev not to appear before the authorities. At the present moment, it is still not clear in whose hands power lies. There is no guarantee that, if arrested, they will not be subjected to crude violence. It would be a different matter if the court were democratically organized and a guarantee were given that they would not be torn to pieces. When we raised this question, the CEC replied: "We do not know what might happen." So long as the situation has not been clarified, so long as a muffled struggle is still going on between the official power and the actual power, there is no sense for the comrades to appear before the authorities. But if a government will come to power that can guarantee our comrades against violence, they will appear.

Chairman [M.S. Olminsky -- Ed.]. The debate on the first part of the report is concluded. We now have three proposals from Comrade Stalin. Comrade Stalin proposes to address a manifesto to the population regarding the persecution, to issue an appeal to the workers and soldiers of Western Europe, and to adopt a definite resolution on the refusal of Comrades Lenin and Zinoviev to appear before the authorities.

Stalin. Since the remaining two reports concern the financial and organizational aspects of the CC's activity, I propose that we continue the discussion of the political part of the report, or proceed directly to a vote.

A motion is made to the chairman to ask whether the comrades wish to express themselves on Comrade Stalin's proposals.

Pozern proposes not to interrupt the report with proposals not directly related to the CC report.

The majority favors an immediate vote on Stalin's proposals.

A vote is taken on the proposal to elect a commission for composing a manifesto and appeal. The proposal is adopted.

Chairman. How many members? There are two proposals: 3 and 5.

The proposals are put to a vote.

Chairman. The majority favors 5.

The following candidates are nominated: Comrades Stalin, Bukharin, Sokolnikov, Olminsky, Bezrabotny (Manuilsky), and Skrypnik.

A proposal is made and adopted to approve all of them.

Stalin proposes that the question of Lenin and Zinoviev's appearance before the court not be discussed now and be referred to the question of the current situation.