September 23, 1926

Comrade Molotov!

Received your letter of September 20.

1) As for wages, it seems you handled it well! It is important that the lowest strata receive something tangible. It would be good to give something to the oil workers too, who on the whole do not earn badly, but if there is no possibility at present, we will have to refuse, despite the complaints of the Baku people.

2) If Trotsky is "furious" and he intends to "openly go for broke," so much the worse for him. It is quite possible that he will be removed from the Politburo right now — it depends on his behavior. The question stands as follows: either they must submit to the Party, or the Party must submit to them. It is clear that the Party will cease to exist as a party if it allows the latter (second) possibility.

3) As for Smirnov, after the warning already given, there remains one thing — to expel him, at least for a time.

4) I think that the Plenum cannot "pass by" the question of Medvedev. Perhaps you have a means to "pass by" — tell me what it consists of.

5) Perhaps you are right that the question of the opposition bloc will have to be raised at the conference. However, there is no point in running ahead — it would be better first to see how this bloc conducts itself now.

6) Your and Bukharin's public appearances in connection with the question of the August Bloc must be accelerated — there is nothing to wait for, in my opinion.

7) I wrote to Demyan that his fable was "feeble," "no good" (or something of the sort) and that it "should not be printed." I have no copy, otherwise I would send it to you immediately. As for the bad "symptom" of this fable in terms of a deterioration in Demyan's position — I have doubts. We will talk when I arrive.

8) Do not give Karakhan free rein regarding China — he will ruin everything, I tell you. He has outlived his usefulness, since he was and remains the ambassador of the first stage of the Chinese revolution and is completely unfit as a leader in the present new situation, Chinese and international, as a leader in the face of new events, which he does not understand and will not understand on his own, as a man who is frighteningly frivolous and limited (in terms of revolutionary outlook). But as for boldness and impudence, self-assurance and arrogance — more than enough. This is what is especially dangerous. Karakhan will never understand that Hankou will soon become China's Moscow...

Well, I shake your hand.

September 23, 1926.

J. Stalin.

Sochi. Recovering more or less.

P.S. I am not sure about the correctness of the AUCCTU's open appeal to the General Council regarding a joint protest against the bombardment of Wanxian. It turns out that we are needlessly provoking both the General Council and the Conservatives. Is this necessary? It would have been better to choose other, more effective paths.

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Source: Letters of J.V. Stalin to V.M. Molotov. 1925–1936. P. 93–95.

RGASPI. F. 558. Op. 1. D. 5388.

NOTE

On September 20, 1926, the Politburo approved the proposal of the Politburo Wage Commission. The commission proposed raising wages only for workers employed in production. The list of branches of industry where wages were to be raised (coal, ore, metal, etc.) was also approved. On September 30, the Politburo recognized it as possible to raise wages for separate groups of oil-industry workers.

In October 1926, the Joint Plenum of the CC and CCC of the VKP(b) adopted a decision releasing Trotsky from the duties of Politburo member for factional activity.

On September 8, 1926, V.M. Smirnov was expelled from the party for factional activity. On November 26, after a statement recognizing his mistakes, he was restored to the party.

At the Joint Plenum of the CC and CCC of the VKP(b) in October 1926, the former leaders of the "workers' opposition," Shlyapnikov and Medvedev, were condemned for anti-party activity.