Engels notes here that this introductory section is drawn from Marx's Manuscript II.
The direct process of production is where capital sets labour to work and swells its own value. Its result is a product in the form of commodities, and the thing that drives it throughout is the making of surplus-value.
The reproduction process of capital takes in more than that direct production process. It also takes in both phases of the circulation process proper — in other words, the whole circuit. And when this circuit repeats itself over and over in fixed periods, it becomes what we call the turnover of capital.
Whether we write the circuit as M … M′ (money in, more money out) or as P … P (production process through and back to production process), the direct production process P is always just one link in the circuit. Looked at one way, production is what goes on in between the acts of circulation; looked at the other way, circulation is what goes on in between rounds of production. Either way, the constant renewal of production — capital reappearing again and again as productive capital — depends on the changes of form capital goes through in circulation. And the other way round: the constantly renewed production process is what makes it possible for capital to keep going through its changes in the sphere of circulation, its alternating appearances as money capital and as commodity capital.
But every single capital is only a splinter of society's total capital — a splinter that has taken on a life of its own, so to speak, endowed with an individual existence — just as every individual capitalist is only one member of the capitalist class. The movement of the social capital is made up of the movements of all these self-standing splinters taken together: the turnovers of the individual capitals. Just as the change of form of a single commodity is one link in the chain of all commodities' changes of form — commodity circulation — so the change of form of an individual capital, its turnover, is one link in the circuit of the social capital.
This total process takes in two kinds of consumption. It takes in productive consumption (the direct production process itself) together with the changes of form — in material terms, exchanges — that go before and after it. And it takes in individual consumption, again with its own changes of form or exchanges. On one side it includes the conversion of variable capital into labour-power, and so the taking-up of that labour-power into the capitalist production process. Here the worker appears as the seller of his commodity, labour-power, and the capitalist as its buyer. On the other side, the sale of the commodities includes the purchase of them by the working class — that is, the working class's individual consumption. Here the working class appears as buyer, and the capitalists as sellers of commodities to the workers.
The circulation of commodity capital includes the circulation of surplus-value — and so it includes the purchases and sales by which the capitalists carry out their own individual consumption: the consumption of surplus-value.
So the circuit of the individual capitals, seen as summed up into the social capital — seen in its totality — covers not only the circulation of capital but the general circulation of commodities as well. That general circulation can in the first instance only have two parts: first, the circuit of capital itself; and second, the circuit of the commodities that go into individual consumption — the commodities on which the worker spends his wages and the capitalist spends his surplus-value (or part of it). It is true that the circuit of capital also includes the circulation of surplus-value, insofar as that surplus-value forms part of some commodity capital, and likewise the conversion of variable capital into labour-power, the payment of wages. But the spending of this surplus-value and these wages on commodities is not a link in the circulation of capital — even though, at least where wages are concerned, that spending is a condition of capital's circulation.
In Volume 1 the capitalist production process was analysed both as an isolated event and as a reproduction process: the production of surplus-value and the production of capital itself. The changes of form and substance capital goes through within the sphere of circulation were simply taken for granted, without dwelling on them. That is, we assumed that the capitalist sells his product at its value, and that within the sphere of circulation he finds the material means of production on hand, ready for starting the process afresh or carrying it on without interruption. The only act within the sphere of circulation we stopped over there was the buying and selling of labour-power, the basic condition of capitalist production.
In the first Part of this Volume 2 we looked at the different forms capital takes on in its circuit, and at the different shapes of that circuit itself. To the labour-time already considered in Volume 1 there is now added circulation-time.
In the second Part the circuit was considered as a periodic process — that is, as turnover. On the one hand it was shown how the different components of capital (fixed and circulating) complete the circuit of forms in different stretches of time and in different ways; on the other hand, we examined the circumstances that set different lengths of the working period and the circulation period. And there emerged the influence of the period of the circuit, and of the varying proportion between its parts, both on the scale of the production process itself and on the annual rate of surplus-value. Put simply: if the first Part mainly followed the successive forms capital constantly puts on and casts off as it circulates, the second Part showed how, within this flow and succession of forms, a capital of given size is at the same time split up — in varying amounts — among the different forms of productive capital, money capital and commodity capital. These do not merely take each other's place in turn: different portions of the total capital-value are constantly present and at work side by side in these different states. Money capital in particular displayed a peculiarity that never showed itself in Volume 1. Certain laws were found: according to the conditions of turnover, differently large portions of a given capital must constantly be advanced and renewed in the form of money capital, in order to keep a productive capital of given size continuously functioning.
But in the first Part as in the second, we were always dealing only with an individual capital — with the movement of one self-standing piece of the social capital.
The circuits of the individual capitals, however, interlace with one another, presuppose one another and condition one another — and it is precisely in this interlacing that they constitute the movement of the total social capital. Just as in simple commodity circulation the whole change of form of one commodity appeared as one link in the chain of the whole world of commodities, so now the change of form of an individual capital is one link in the chain of the social capital's changes of form. But whereas simple commodity circulation by no means necessarily included the circulation of capital — it can go on where production is not capitalist — the circuit of the total social capital, as already noted, includes a commodity circulation that falls outside the circuit of the individual capital: the circulation of commodities that do not function as capital.
What has to be considered now is the circulation process of the individual capitals as components of the total social capital — that is, the circulation process of this social total capital. (And seen as a whole, this circulation process is the form of the reproduction process.)
Although the following belongs properly to a later part of this section, we want to look into it right away: money capital, considered as a component of the total social capital.
When we looked at the turnover of an individual capital, money capital showed itself from two sides.
First: it is the form in which every individual capital steps onto the stage and opens its career as capital. It therefore appears as the prime mover, the thing that sets the whole process going.
Second: depending on how long the turnover period is, and on how the two parts of it — working period and circulation period — stand in relation to each other, the portion of the advanced capital-value that must constantly be advanced and renewed in money form differs in proportion to the productive capital it sets in motion — that is, in proportion to the continuous scale of production. But whatever that proportion may be, the part of the capital-value in process that can function constantly as productive capital is always limited by the part of the advanced capital-value that must constantly exist in money form alongside the productive capital. Here we are dealing only with normal turnover, an abstract average; we leave out of account any extra money capital thrown in to smooth over blockages in circulation.
To the first point. Production of commodities presupposes the circulation of commodities, and the circulation of commodities presupposes that commodities appear as money — money circulation. The doubling of the product into commodity and money is a law of how the product presents itself as a commodity. In the same way, capitalist commodity production — whether we look at it as a social whole or as an individual business — presupposes capital in money form, money capital, as the prime mover for every newly started enterprise and as the motor that keeps it running. Circulating capital in particular presupposes the constantly repeated reappearance of money capital at shorter intervals as its motor. The whole of the advanced capital-value — all the components of capital that consist of commodities: labour-power, means of labour and materials of production — must be bought, and bought again and again, with money. What holds for the individual capital here holds for the social capital too, since the latter functions only in the form of many individual capitals. But — as already shown in Volume 1 — it by no means follows from this that the field on which capital operates, the scale of production, even on a capitalist basis, has its absolute limits fixed by the amount of money capital in operation.
Capital takes up elements of production whose stretching, within certain limits, does not depend on the size of the money capital advanced. For the same payment of labour-power, that labour-power can be exploited more intensely or for longer hours. If the money capital is increased along with this harder exploitation — that is, if wages rise — it is not increased in proportion, and so, to that extent, not increased at all.
The natural material that is put to productive use — which forms no element of capital's value — land, sea, ores, forests and so on — can be exploited more intensely or on a wider scale by the same number of labour-power working harder, without any additional advance of money capital. The real elements of productive capital are thus increased without any extra money capital being needed. And to the extent that extra money is needed for additional auxiliary materials, the money capital in which the capital-value is advanced does not grow in proportion to the expansion of productive capital's effectiveness — so, to that extent, does not grow at all.
One and the same means of labour — the same fixed capital — can be used more effectively, either by lengthening its hours of daily use or by driving it harder, without any extra outlay of money on fixed capital. What happens then is simply that the fixed capital turns over faster; but then, too, the elements of its replacement are supplied faster.
Setting aside natural material, natural forces that cost nothing can be drawn into the production process as agents, working with greater or lesser effect. How effective they are depends on methods and on scientific progress — none of which costs the capitalist anything.
The same holds for the social combination of labour-power in the production process, and for the accumulated skill of the individual workers. Carey works out that the landowner never receives enough, because not all the capital — or labour — that has gone into the soil since time immemorial, giving the land its present productive capacity, is paid to him. (Naturally nothing is said about the productive capacity taken away from him.) On that reasoning, the individual worker would have to be paid according to all the labour it cost the human race to work a savage up into a modern mechanic. One should rather reason the other way round: count up all the unpaid labour that has been cashed in by landowners and capitalists and lies in the soil, and you find that the whole of the capital ever put into the soil has been paid back again and again at usurious interest — so that landed property has long since been bought back from society, over and over.
A rise in the productive powers of labour, where it presupposes no additional outlay of capital-value, at first only increases the mass of the product, not its value — except insofar as it makes it possible to reproduce more constant capital with the same labour, and so to preserve that capital's value. But at the same time it creates new material for capital, and so the basis for increased accumulation of capital.
Insofar as the organisation of social labour, and so the raising of labour's social productive power, demands production on a large scale and thus the advance of money capital in large masses by the individual capitalist, it was already shown in Volume 1 that this happens partly through the centralisation of capitals in few hands — without the amount of functioning capital-value, and therefore without the amount of money capital in which it is advanced, needing to grow at all. The size of the individual capitals can grow through centralisation into few hands without their social sum growing. It is only a different division of the individual capitals.
Finally, it was shown in the previous Part that shortening the turnover period makes it possible to set the same productive capital in motion with less money capital — or more productive capital with the same money capital.
Yet all this, obviously, has nothing to do with the real question of money capital. What it shows is only this: the advanced capital — a given sum of value, which in its free form, its value form, consists of a certain sum of money — once converted into productive capital, contains productive powers whose limits are not set by its limits of value. Within a certain range, these powers can act to a greater or lesser extent, in extent or in intensity. Given the prices of the elements of production — means of production and labour-power — the size of the money capital needed to buy a given quantity of these elements, which exist as commodities, is fixed. That is: the amount of value to be advanced is determined. But the scale on which that capital acts as a creator of value and of product is elastic and variable.
To the second point. That the portion of society's labour and means of production which must be spent every year on producing or buying money, in order to replace worn coin, is to that extent a deduction from the scale of social production — that goes without saying. But as for the value of the money itself, which functions partly as circulating medium and partly as hoard: it is already there, already acquired; it exists alongside labour-power, alongside the produced means of production, alongside the natural sources of wealth. It cannot be regarded as a barrier to them. Through its conversion into elements of production, or through exchange with other peoples, the scale of production could be expanded — though this presupposes that money still plays its role as world money.
Depending on the length of the turnover period, a larger or smaller mass of money capital is needed to set the productive capital in motion. Likewise, we have seen that the division of the turnover period into working time and circulation time requires an increase in the capital that lies latent, suspended, in money form.
Insofar as the turnover period is determined by the length of the working period, it is determined — other conditions remaining the same — by the material nature of the production process, not by the specifically social character of that process. On the basis of capitalist production, however, larger-scale operations of longer duration require bigger advances of money capital for longer periods. Production in such spheres therefore depends on the limits within which the individual capitalist commands money capital. This barrier is broken through by the credit system and by the associations connected with it, joint-stock companies for example. Disturbances in the money market therefore bring such businesses to a standstill — while those same businesses, for their part, cause disturbances in the money market.
On the basis of social production, what has to be settled is the measure in which those operations — which draw off labour-power and means of production for a long time without delivering any finished product, any useful result, during that time — can be carried out without damaging the branches of production which continuously, or several times within the year, not only draw off labour-power and means of production but also deliver means of subsistence and means of production. Under social production just as under capitalist production, the workers in branches with shorter working periods draw products out for only a short time before giving products back; while the branches with long working periods keep drawing out for a long stretch before they give anything back. This circumstance arises from the material conditions of the working process in question, not from its social form. Under social production, money capital falls away. Society distributes labour-power and means of production among the different branches of production. The producers may, for all I care, receive paper certificates, on which they draw from the social consumption fund a quantity corresponding to their labour-time. These certificates are not money. They do not circulate.
One sees, then, that insofar as the need for money capital springs from the length of the working period, it is conditioned by two things. First: money as such is the form in which every individual capital (credit set aside) must appear in order to convert itself into productive capital. This follows from the nature of capitalist production, and of commodity production in general. Second: the size of the necessary money advance springs from the fact that for a longer stretch, labour-power and means of production are continuously drawn away from society without any product being given back during that time which could be reconverted into money. The first circumstance — that the capital to be advanced must be advanced in money form — is not abolished by the form that money itself takes, whether metal money, credit money, tokens of value and so on. The second circumstance is in no way affected by whatever money-medium, or whatever form of production, is involved in drawing off labour, means of subsistence and means of production without throwing an equivalent back into circulation.
Engels notes here that this introductory section is drawn from Marx's Manuscript II.
The direct process of production is where capital sets labour to work and swells its own value. Its result is a product in the form of commodities, and the thing that drives it throughout is the making of surplus-value.
The reproduction process of capital takes in more than that direct production process. It also takes in both phases of the circulation process proper — in other words, the whole circuit. And when this circuit repeats itself over and over in fixed periods, it becomes what we call the turnover of capital.
Whether we write the circuit as M … M′ (money in, more money out) or as P … P (production process through and back to production process), the direct production process P is always just one link in the circuit. Looked at one way, production is what goes on in between the acts of circulation; looked at the other way, circulation is what goes on in between rounds of production. Either way, the constant renewal of production — capital reappearing again and again as productive capital — depends on the changes of form capital goes through in circulation. And the other way round: the constantly renewed production process is what makes it possible for capital to keep going through its changes in the sphere of circulation, its alternating appearances as money capital and as commodity capital.
But every single capital is only a splinter of society's total capital — a splinter that has taken on a life of its own, so to speak, endowed with an individual existence — just as every individual capitalist is only one member of the capitalist class. The movement of the social capital is made up of the movements of all these self-standing splinters taken together: the turnovers of the individual capitals. Just as the change of form of a single commodity is one link in the chain of all commodities' changes of form — commodity circulation — so the change of form of an individual capital, its turnover, is one link in the circuit of the social capital.
This total process takes in two kinds of consumption. It takes in productive consumption (the direct production process itself) together with the changes of form — in material terms, exchanges — that go before and after it. And it takes in individual consumption, again with its own changes of form or exchanges. On one side it includes the conversion of variable capital into labour-power, and so the taking-up of that labour-power into the capitalist production process. Here the worker appears as the seller of his commodity, labour-power, and the capitalist as its buyer. On the other side, the sale of the commodities includes the purchase of them by the working class — that is, the working class's individual consumption. Here the working class appears as buyer, and the capitalists as sellers of commodities to the workers.
The circulation of commodity capital includes the circulation of surplus-value — and so it includes the purchases and sales by which the capitalists carry out their own individual consumption: the consumption of surplus-value.
So the circuit of the individual capitals, seen as summed up into the social capital — seen in its totality — covers not only the circulation of capital but the general circulation of commodities as well. That general circulation can in the first instance only have two parts: first, the circuit of capital itself; and second, the circuit of the commodities that go into individual consumption — the commodities on which the worker spends his wages and the capitalist spends his surplus-value (or part of it). It is true that the circuit of capital also includes the circulation of surplus-value, insofar as that surplus-value forms part of some commodity capital, and likewise the conversion of variable capital into labour-power, the payment of wages. But the spending of this surplus-value and these wages on commodities is not a link in the circulation of capital — even though, at least where wages are concerned, that spending is a condition of capital's circulation.
In Volume 1 the capitalist production process was analysed both as an isolated event and as a reproduction process: the production of surplus-value and the production of capital itself. The changes of form and substance capital goes through within the sphere of circulation were simply taken for granted, without dwelling on them. That is, we assumed that the capitalist sells his product at its value, and that within the sphere of circulation he finds the material means of production on hand, ready for starting the process afresh or carrying it on without interruption. The only act within the sphere of circulation we stopped over there was the buying and selling of labour-power, the basic condition of capitalist production.
In the first Part of this Volume 2 we looked at the different forms capital takes on in its circuit, and at the different shapes of that circuit itself. To the labour-time already considered in Volume 1 there is now added circulation-time.
In the second Part the circuit was considered as a periodic process — that is, as turnover. On the one hand it was shown how the different components of capital (fixed and circulating) complete the circuit of forms in different stretches of time and in different ways; on the other hand, we examined the circumstances that set different lengths of the working period and the circulation period. And there emerged the influence of the period of the circuit, and of the varying proportion between its parts, both on the scale of the production process itself and on the annual rate of surplus-value. Put simply: if the first Part mainly followed the successive forms capital constantly puts on and casts off as it circulates, the second Part showed how, within this flow and succession of forms, a capital of given size is at the same time split up — in varying amounts — among the different forms of productive capital, money capital and commodity capital. These do not merely take each other's place in turn: different portions of the total capital-value are constantly present and at work side by side in these different states. Money capital in particular displayed a peculiarity that never showed itself in Volume 1. Certain laws were found: according to the conditions of turnover, differently large portions of a given capital must constantly be advanced and renewed in the form of money capital, in order to keep a productive capital of given size continuously functioning.
But in the first Part as in the second, we were always dealing only with an individual capital — with the movement of one self-standing piece of the social capital.
The circuits of the individual capitals, however, interlace with one another, presuppose one another and condition one another — and it is precisely in this interlacing that they constitute the movement of the total social capital. Just as in simple commodity circulation the whole change of form of one commodity appeared as one link in the chain of the whole world of commodities, so now the change of form of an individual capital is one link in the chain of the social capital's changes of form. But whereas simple commodity circulation by no means necessarily included the circulation of capital — it can go on where production is not capitalist — the circuit of the total social capital, as already noted, includes a commodity circulation that falls outside the circuit of the individual capital: the circulation of commodities that do not function as capital.
What has to be considered now is the circulation process of the individual capitals as components of the total social capital — that is, the circulation process of this social total capital. (And seen as a whole, this circulation process is the form of the reproduction process.)
Although the following belongs properly to a later part of this section, we want to look into it right away: money capital, considered as a component of the total social capital.
When we looked at the turnover of an individual capital, money capital showed itself from two sides.
First: it is the form in which every individual capital steps onto the stage and opens its career as capital. It therefore appears as the prime mover, the thing that sets the whole process going.
Second: depending on how long the turnover period is, and on how the two parts of it — working period and circulation period — stand in relation to each other, the portion of the advanced capital-value that must constantly be advanced and renewed in money form differs in proportion to the productive capital it sets in motion — that is, in proportion to the continuous scale of production. But whatever that proportion may be, the part of the capital-value in process that can function constantly as productive capital is always limited by the part of the advanced capital-value that must constantly exist in money form alongside the productive capital. Here we are dealing only with normal turnover, an abstract average; we leave out of account any extra money capital thrown in to smooth over blockages in circulation.
To the first point. Production of commodities presupposes the circulation of commodities, and the circulation of commodities presupposes that commodities appear as money — money circulation. The doubling of the product into commodity and money is a law of how the product presents itself as a commodity. In the same way, capitalist commodity production — whether we look at it as a social whole or as an individual business — presupposes capital in money form, money capital, as the prime mover for every newly started enterprise and as the motor that keeps it running. Circulating capital in particular presupposes the constantly repeated reappearance of money capital at shorter intervals as its motor. The whole of the advanced capital-value — all the components of capital that consist of commodities: labour-power, means of labour and materials of production — must be bought, and bought again and again, with money. What holds for the individual capital here holds for the social capital too, since the latter functions only in the form of many individual capitals. But — as already shown in Volume 1 — it by no means follows from this that the field on which capital operates, the scale of production, even on a capitalist basis, has its absolute limits fixed by the amount of money capital in operation.
Capital takes up elements of production whose stretching, within certain limits, does not depend on the size of the money capital advanced. For the same payment of labour-power, that labour-power can be exploited more intensely or for longer hours. If the money capital is increased along with this harder exploitation — that is, if wages rise — it is not increased in proportion, and so, to that extent, not increased at all.
The natural material that is put to productive use — which forms no element of capital's value — land, sea, ores, forests and so on — can be exploited more intensely or on a wider scale by the same number of labour-power working harder, without any additional advance of money capital. The real elements of productive capital are thus increased without any extra money capital being needed. And to the extent that extra money is needed for additional auxiliary materials, the money capital in which the capital-value is advanced does not grow in proportion to the expansion of productive capital's effectiveness — so, to that extent, does not grow at all.
One and the same means of labour — the same fixed capital — can be used more effectively, either by lengthening its hours of daily use or by driving it harder, without any extra outlay of money on fixed capital. What happens then is simply that the fixed capital turns over faster; but then, too, the elements of its replacement are supplied faster.
Setting aside natural material, natural forces that cost nothing can be drawn into the production process as agents, working with greater or lesser effect. How effective they are depends on methods and on scientific progress — none of which costs the capitalist anything.
The same holds for the social combination of labour-power in the production process, and for the accumulated skill of the individual workers. Carey works out that the landowner never receives enough, because not all the capital — or labour — that has gone into the soil since time immemorial, giving the land its present productive capacity, is paid to him. (Naturally nothing is said about the productive capacity taken away from him.) On that reasoning, the individual worker would have to be paid according to all the labour it cost the human race to work a savage up into a modern mechanic. One should rather reason the other way round: count up all the unpaid labour that has been cashed in by landowners and capitalists and lies in the soil, and you find that the whole of the capital ever put into the soil has been paid back again and again at usurious interest — so that landed property has long since been bought back from society, over and over.
A rise in the productive powers of labour, where it presupposes no additional outlay of capital-value, at first only increases the mass of the product, not its value — except insofar as it makes it possible to reproduce more constant capital with the same labour, and so to preserve that capital's value. But at the same time it creates new material for capital, and so the basis for increased accumulation of capital.
Insofar as the organisation of social labour, and so the raising of labour's social productive power, demands production on a large scale and thus the advance of money capital in large masses by the individual capitalist, it was already shown in Volume 1 that this happens partly through the centralisation of capitals in few hands — without the amount of functioning capital-value, and therefore without the amount of money capital in which it is advanced, needing to grow at all. The size of the individual capitals can grow through centralisation into few hands without their social sum growing. It is only a different division of the individual capitals.
Finally, it was shown in the previous Part that shortening the turnover period makes it possible to set the same productive capital in motion with less money capital — or more productive capital with the same money capital.
Yet all this, obviously, has nothing to do with the real question of money capital. What it shows is only this: the advanced capital — a given sum of value, which in its free form, its value form, consists of a certain sum of money — once converted into productive capital, contains productive powers whose limits are not set by its limits of value. Within a certain range, these powers can act to a greater or lesser extent, in extent or in intensity. Given the prices of the elements of production — means of production and labour-power — the size of the money capital needed to buy a given quantity of these elements, which exist as commodities, is fixed. That is: the amount of value to be advanced is determined. But the scale on which that capital acts as a creator of value and of product is elastic and variable.
To the second point. That the portion of society's labour and means of production which must be spent every year on producing or buying money, in order to replace worn coin, is to that extent a deduction from the scale of social production — that goes without saying. But as for the value of the money itself, which functions partly as circulating medium and partly as hoard: it is already there, already acquired; it exists alongside labour-power, alongside the produced means of production, alongside the natural sources of wealth. It cannot be regarded as a barrier to them. Through its conversion into elements of production, or through exchange with other peoples, the scale of production could be expanded — though this presupposes that money still plays its role as world money.
Depending on the length of the turnover period, a larger or smaller mass of money capital is needed to set the productive capital in motion. Likewise, we have seen that the division of the turnover period into working time and circulation time requires an increase in the capital that lies latent, suspended, in money form.
Insofar as the turnover period is determined by the length of the working period, it is determined — other conditions remaining the same — by the material nature of the production process, not by the specifically social character of that process. On the basis of capitalist production, however, larger-scale operations of longer duration require bigger advances of money capital for longer periods. Production in such spheres therefore depends on the limits within which the individual capitalist commands money capital. This barrier is broken through by the credit system and by the associations connected with it, joint-stock companies for example. Disturbances in the money market therefore bring such businesses to a standstill — while those same businesses, for their part, cause disturbances in the money market.
On the basis of social production, what has to be settled is the measure in which those operations — which draw off labour-power and means of production for a long time without delivering any finished product, any useful result, during that time — can be carried out without damaging the branches of production which continuously, or several times within the year, not only draw off labour-power and means of production but also deliver means of subsistence and means of production. Under social production just as under capitalist production, the workers in branches with shorter working periods draw products out for only a short time before giving products back; while the branches with long working periods keep drawing out for a long stretch before they give anything back. This circumstance arises from the material conditions of the working process in question, not from its social form. Under social production, money capital falls away. Society distributes labour-power and means of production among the different branches of production. The producers may, for all I care, receive paper certificates, on which they draw from the social consumption fund a quantity corresponding to their labour-time. These certificates are not money. They do not circulate.
One sees, then, that insofar as the need for money capital springs from the length of the working period, it is conditioned by two things. First: money as such is the form in which every individual capital (credit set aside) must appear in order to convert itself into productive capital. This follows from the nature of capitalist production, and of commodity production in general. Second: the size of the necessary money advance springs from the fact that for a longer stretch, labour-power and means of production are continuously drawn away from society without any product being given back during that time which could be reconverted into money. The first circumstance — that the capital to be advanced must be advanced in money form — is not abolished by the form that money itself takes, whether metal money, credit money, tokens of value and so on. The second circumstance is in no way affected by whatever money-medium, or whatever form of production, is involved in drawing off labour, means of subsistence and means of production without throwing an equivalent back into circulation.