Money goes through purely technical movements in the circulation process of industrial capital — and, we can now add, of commercial capital too, since that takes over part of industrial capital's circulation as its own peculiar movement. Set these movements loose and make them the job of one special capital, which carries them out and nothing else as its own operations, and that capital becomes money-dealing capital.
A part of industrial capital — and more closely, part of commercial capital as well — is present all the time not just in money form, as money capital in general, but as money capital caught up in these technical functions. Now a definite part of the total capital splits off and sets itself up on its own in the form of money capital, whose capitalist function is nothing but to perform these operations for the whole class of industrial and commercial capitalists. As with commercial capital, a part of the industrial capital that exists in the circulation process in the shape of money capital separates off and does these operations of the reproduction process for all the rest of the capital.
So the movements of this money capital are once again only the movements of a part of industrial capital that has been set loose on its own — industrial capital still in the middle of its reproduction process.
Only when capital is newly invested — and this includes accumulation — and only to that extent, does capital in money form show up as the starting-point and the end-point of the movement. But for any capital already inside its process, both the starting-point and the end-point show up only as points of passage.
In so far as industrial capital, from leaving the sphere of production until it re-enters it, has to go through the metamorphosis C' – M – C, then M really is — as was already shown for simple commodity circulation — only the end result of one phase of that metamorphosis, so as to be the starting-point of the opposite phase that completes it. And though for commercial capital the C – M of industrial capital always presents itself as M – C – M, still, as soon as it is actually engaged, the real process for it too is continually C – M – C.
But commercial capital goes through the acts C – M and M – C at the same time. That is: it is not merely that one capital is in the C – M stage while another is in the M – C stage — the same capital is constantly buying and constantly selling at the same time, because the production process is continuous; it is continually in both stages at once. While one part of it turns into money, so as later to turn back into commodities, another part at the same moment turns into commodities, so as later to turn back into money.
Whether money acts here as means of circulation or as means of payment depends on the form the commodity exchange takes. Either way, the capitalist has money to pay out to many people all the time, and money to take in from many people all the time. This purely technical operation of paying money out and taking money in is work on its own account, and where money acts as means of payment it also makes it necessary to strike balances and settle them up. This work is a cost of circulation, not value-creating labour.
It gets shortened by being done for the whole rest of the capitalist class by a special department of agents or capitalists.
A definite portion of capital has to be on hand all the time as a hoard, as potential money capital: a reserve of means of purchase, a reserve of means of payment, capital lying idle in money form and waiting for its use. And one portion of capital is always flowing back in that form. Besides taking money in, paying it out and keeping the books, this makes it necessary to look after the hoard — which is again an operation of its own.
So it really is this: the hoard is constantly dissolving into means of circulation and means of payment, and constantly re-forming out of money received in sale and out of payments that have fallen due. It is this continual movement of the portion of capital that exists as money, separated off from the capital function itself, this purely technical operation, that gives rise to work and costs of its own — costs of circulation.
Capital's functions require certain technical operations, and the division of labour sees them carried out - as far as it can be done - for the whole capitalist class by one particular division of agents or capitalists, whose exclusive functions they become; or else they end up concentrated in those hands. So there is a division of labour here in a double sense, exactly as with commercial capital. The work becomes a special business; and since it is done as a special business serving the monetary mechanism of the whole class, it grows concentrated and is run on a large scale. Within that special business the division of labour sets in again - branches that stand independent of one another, and inside each branch a developed workplace: large offices, numerous bookkeepers and cashiers, a highly developed division of labour. Paying money out, taking it in, settling balances, keeping current accounts, storage of money - take that whole set of operations in separation from the acts that make them necessary, and the capital advanced for them turns into money-dealing capital.
The various operations whose setting-up-on-their-own as special businesses gives rise to the money trade follow from the various characteristics of money itself and from its functions — which capital therefore also has to pass through in the form of money capital.
Earlier I noted how the money system as a whole first emerged out of the exchange of products among separate communities.
So dealing in money, trade in the money commodity, first develops out of international trade. Once different national coinages exist, merchants who buy in foreign countries have to turn their own national coin into the local coinage, and the other way round, or else turn various coins into uncoined pure silver or gold as world money.
Hence the exchange business, which is to be regarded as one of the spontaneous bases of the modern money trade. Out of it there developed exchange banks, where silver (or gold) functions as world money, now as bank money or commercial money, as distinct from currency. Exchange business in its narrow sense — no more than an order for payment to travellers, sent by a changer in one land to a changer in another — had already grown out of the actual money-changing trade in Rome and Greece.
Trade in gold and silver as commodities (raw material to be worked up into luxury articles) is the spontaneous basis of the bullion trade — the trade that mediates the functions of money as world money. Those functions, as explained earlier (Volume 1, Chapter 3, 3, c), are twofold: a running back and forth between the different national spheres of circulation to settle international payments and in the migration of capital lent at interest; and besides that, the movement outward from the sources where the precious metals are produced, across the world market, and the distribution of the supply among the different national spheres of circulation.
Through most of the seventeenth century the goldsmiths in England still served as bankers. How the settlement of international payments then develops further in the exchange business and so on, we leave entirely aside here — as we do everything to do with dealings in securities, in short all the specific forms of the credit system, which are not our concern yet.
As world money, a country's money sheds its local stamp. One nation's money is stated in terms of another's, and in this way all of them are traced back to their gold or silver content; and these two metals, the commodities that circulate as world money, must at the same time be traced back to the value relation they bear to each other, a relation that is always shifting. The money-dealer makes this mediation his own special business. Money-changing and the bullion trade are thus the most original forms of the money trade, and they arise from money's double function: as national coin and as world money.
Two things follow from the capitalist production process — and from trade in general, even where production is not yet capitalist:
First, money piles up as a hoard. Here that means the part of capital that always has to be on hand in money form: the reserve fund of means of purchase and payment. This is the hoard's first form, the one that reappears under capitalist production and that forms in general as commercial capital develops, at least for commercial capital's own use. Both apply to circulation inside a country and to circulation between countries alike. This hoard is permanently in motion: it keeps pouring out into circulation and keeps coming back from it.
The hoard's second form is capital lying idle — capital in money form that for the moment has nothing to do. Newly accumulated money capital that has not yet been invested counts here too.
Forming the hoard as such brings its own jobs with it: keeping the money safe, keeping the books, and so on.
Second, and bound up with that: money going out when you buy, coming in when you sell, paying and receiving payments, settling payments, and so on. The money-dealer does all of this at the outset as a plain cashier for merchants and industrial capitalists.
Money-dealing is fully developed — and it is that already in its very first beginnings — as soon as lending and borrowing attach themselves to its other functions, and with them trade on credit. That is for the next Part, on interest-bearing capital.
The bullion trade itself — gold or silver moved from one country to another — is just a result of commodity trade. It is determined by the rate of exchange, which expresses where international payments stand and what the rate of interest is on the various markets. The dealer in bullion, as such, only passes results along.
Money, its movements and the forms it takes, develops out of simple commodity circulation. Looking into that, we saw (Volume 1, Chapter 3) that how much money moves as means of purchase and as means of payment is fixed by the metamorphosis of commodities, by how big and how fast that is — and that this metamorphosis is itself, as we now know, only one moment of the reproduction process as a whole. As for getting hold of the money material, gold and silver, at its sources of production, that comes down to direct commodity exchange, gold and silver exchanging as a commodity against other commodities, so it is just as much a moment of commodity exchange as getting hold of iron or any other metal.
The movement of precious metals on the world market — we leave aside here whatever part of it expresses a transfer of loan capital, a transfer that also takes place in the form of commodity capital — is fixed by international commodity exchange in exactly the same way as, at home, the movement of money as means of buying and paying is fixed by commodity exchange at home. When precious metals leave one national sphere of circulation for another, and the cause is only that a national currency has lost value, or bi-metallism, that has nothing to do with monetary circulation as such; it merely corrects arbitrary deviations the state has brought about by decree.
Hoard formation, lastly — whether it is a reserve fund of means of purchase and payment, at home or abroad, or whether it is merely a form of temporarily idle capital — is in both cases only a necessary precipitate of the circulation process.
Money circulation as a whole — its volume, its forms, its movements — is a mere result of commodity circulation, and from the capitalist standpoint commodity circulation itself represents nothing but the process by which capital circulates (which includes the exchange of capital against revenue and of revenue against revenue, in so far as revenue is spent in retail trade). So it goes without saying that money-dealing mediates not merely this result and form of appearance of commodity circulation, the circulation of money. This money circulation itself, as one moment of commodity circulation, is given for money-dealing. What it mediates are the technical operations of that circulation, which it concentrates, shortens and simplifies.
Money-dealing does not create the hoards. It provides the technical means for forming them, so that hoard formation — where it is voluntary, that is, not the expression of idle capital or of a disturbance in the reproduction process — can be reduced to its economic minimum. The reserve fund of means of purchase and payment need not be as large when it is looked after for the whole capitalist class as when each capitalist has to keep his own.
Money-dealing does not buy the precious metals; it only mediates their distribution once commodity trade has bought them. It makes the settlement of balances easier wherever money works as a means of payment, and through the artificial mechanism it builds for these settlements it cuts down the quantity of money they need. But it fixes neither the relationship between these mutual payments nor their volume. Take the bills and cheques that banks and clearing houses swap among themselves: they come out of entirely independent businesses, they are the results of operations already carried out, and the only question is a better technical settlement of those results. And where money circulates as a means of purchase, how much and how often goods are bought and sold has nothing to do with money-dealing.
Money-dealing can only shorten the technical operations that go with these transactions, and in that way reduce the quantity of ready cash they need for their turnover.
So the money trade, in the pure form of it that we take up here — kept apart, that is, from the credit system — has to do only with the technique of one moment of commodity circulation, namely money circulation and the various functions of money that spring from it.
This is what fundamentally sets money-dealing apart from commodity trade. Commodity trade carries through the metamorphosis of the commodity and the exchange of commodities, or it lets this process of commodity capital appear as the process of a capital separated off from industrial capital. Commodity-dealing capital therefore shows a circulation form of its own, M–C–M, in which the commodity changes place twice and money thereby flows back — as against C–M–C, in which money changes hands twice and thereby mediates commodity exchange. Nothing like a special form of this kind can be exhibited for money-dealing capital.
Where a special section of capitalists advances money capital for this technical mediation of money circulation — a capital that, on a reduced scale, stands in for the extra capital merchants and industrial capitalists would otherwise have to advance themselves for these purposes — capital's general form, M–M′, is present here too. Advancing M produces M + ΔM for the one who advances it. But the mediation of M–M′ here concerns not the material moments of the metamorphosis, only the technical ones.
It is obvious that the money capital the money-dealers handle is the money capital of merchants and industrialists that is in circulation, and that the operations they perform are only those merchants' and industrialists' own operations — the dealers mediate them.
It is just as clear that their profit is nothing but a deduction from surplus-value, since the values they deal with are already realized — even where the only form of that realization is a claim to payment.
As with commodity trade, the functions are duplicated here. For part of the technical operations bound up with money circulation has to be done by the dealers in commodities and by the producers themselves.
Money goes through purely technical movements in the circulation process of industrial capital — and, we can now add, of commercial capital too, since that takes over part of industrial capital's circulation as its own peculiar movement. Set these movements loose and make them the job of one special capital, which carries them out and nothing else as its own operations, and that capital becomes money-dealing capital.
A part of industrial capital — and more closely, part of commercial capital as well — is present all the time not just in money form, as money capital in general, but as money capital caught up in these technical functions. Now a definite part of the total capital splits off and sets itself up on its own in the form of money capital, whose capitalist function is nothing but to perform these operations for the whole class of industrial and commercial capitalists. As with commercial capital, a part of the industrial capital that exists in the circulation process in the shape of money capital separates off and does these operations of the reproduction process for all the rest of the capital.
So the movements of this money capital are once again only the movements of a part of industrial capital that has been set loose on its own — industrial capital still in the middle of its reproduction process.
Only when capital is newly invested — and this includes accumulation — and only to that extent, does capital in money form show up as the starting-point and the end-point of the movement. But for any capital already inside its process, both the starting-point and the end-point show up only as points of passage.
In so far as industrial capital, from leaving the sphere of production until it re-enters it, has to go through the metamorphosis C' – M – C, then M really is — as was already shown for simple commodity circulation — only the end result of one phase of that metamorphosis, so as to be the starting-point of the opposite phase that completes it. And though for commercial capital the C – M of industrial capital always presents itself as M – C – M, still, as soon as it is actually engaged, the real process for it too is continually C – M – C.
But commercial capital goes through the acts C – M and M – C at the same time. That is: it is not merely that one capital is in the C – M stage while another is in the M – C stage — the same capital is constantly buying and constantly selling at the same time, because the production process is continuous; it is continually in both stages at once. While one part of it turns into money, so as later to turn back into commodities, another part at the same moment turns into commodities, so as later to turn back into money.
Whether money acts here as means of circulation or as means of payment depends on the form the commodity exchange takes. Either way, the capitalist has money to pay out to many people all the time, and money to take in from many people all the time. This purely technical operation of paying money out and taking money in is work on its own account, and where money acts as means of payment it also makes it necessary to strike balances and settle them up. This work is a cost of circulation, not value-creating labour.
It gets shortened by being done for the whole rest of the capitalist class by a special department of agents or capitalists.
A definite portion of capital has to be on hand all the time as a hoard, as potential money capital: a reserve of means of purchase, a reserve of means of payment, capital lying idle in money form and waiting for its use. And one portion of capital is always flowing back in that form. Besides taking money in, paying it out and keeping the books, this makes it necessary to look after the hoard — which is again an operation of its own.
So it really is this: the hoard is constantly dissolving into means of circulation and means of payment, and constantly re-forming out of money received in sale and out of payments that have fallen due. It is this continual movement of the portion of capital that exists as money, separated off from the capital function itself, this purely technical operation, that gives rise to work and costs of its own — costs of circulation.
Capital's functions require certain technical operations, and the division of labour sees them carried out - as far as it can be done - for the whole capitalist class by one particular division of agents or capitalists, whose exclusive functions they become; or else they end up concentrated in those hands. So there is a division of labour here in a double sense, exactly as with commercial capital. The work becomes a special business; and since it is done as a special business serving the monetary mechanism of the whole class, it grows concentrated and is run on a large scale. Within that special business the division of labour sets in again - branches that stand independent of one another, and inside each branch a developed workplace: large offices, numerous bookkeepers and cashiers, a highly developed division of labour. Paying money out, taking it in, settling balances, keeping current accounts, storage of money - take that whole set of operations in separation from the acts that make them necessary, and the capital advanced for them turns into money-dealing capital.
The various operations whose setting-up-on-their-own as special businesses gives rise to the money trade follow from the various characteristics of money itself and from its functions — which capital therefore also has to pass through in the form of money capital.
Earlier I noted how the money system as a whole first emerged out of the exchange of products among separate communities.
So dealing in money, trade in the money commodity, first develops out of international trade. Once different national coinages exist, merchants who buy in foreign countries have to turn their own national coin into the local coinage, and the other way round, or else turn various coins into uncoined pure silver or gold as world money.
Hence the exchange business, which is to be regarded as one of the spontaneous bases of the modern money trade. Out of it there developed exchange banks, where silver (or gold) functions as world money, now as bank money or commercial money, as distinct from currency. Exchange business in its narrow sense — no more than an order for payment to travellers, sent by a changer in one land to a changer in another — had already grown out of the actual money-changing trade in Rome and Greece.
Trade in gold and silver as commodities (raw material to be worked up into luxury articles) is the spontaneous basis of the bullion trade — the trade that mediates the functions of money as world money. Those functions, as explained earlier (Volume 1, Chapter 3, 3, c), are twofold: a running back and forth between the different national spheres of circulation to settle international payments and in the migration of capital lent at interest; and besides that, the movement outward from the sources where the precious metals are produced, across the world market, and the distribution of the supply among the different national spheres of circulation.
Through most of the seventeenth century the goldsmiths in England still served as bankers. How the settlement of international payments then develops further in the exchange business and so on, we leave entirely aside here — as we do everything to do with dealings in securities, in short all the specific forms of the credit system, which are not our concern yet.
As world money, a country's money sheds its local stamp. One nation's money is stated in terms of another's, and in this way all of them are traced back to their gold or silver content; and these two metals, the commodities that circulate as world money, must at the same time be traced back to the value relation they bear to each other, a relation that is always shifting. The money-dealer makes this mediation his own special business. Money-changing and the bullion trade are thus the most original forms of the money trade, and they arise from money's double function: as national coin and as world money.
Two things follow from the capitalist production process — and from trade in general, even where production is not yet capitalist:
First, money piles up as a hoard. Here that means the part of capital that always has to be on hand in money form: the reserve fund of means of purchase and payment. This is the hoard's first form, the one that reappears under capitalist production and that forms in general as commercial capital develops, at least for commercial capital's own use. Both apply to circulation inside a country and to circulation between countries alike. This hoard is permanently in motion: it keeps pouring out into circulation and keeps coming back from it.
The hoard's second form is capital lying idle — capital in money form that for the moment has nothing to do. Newly accumulated money capital that has not yet been invested counts here too.
Forming the hoard as such brings its own jobs with it: keeping the money safe, keeping the books, and so on.
Second, and bound up with that: money going out when you buy, coming in when you sell, paying and receiving payments, settling payments, and so on. The money-dealer does all of this at the outset as a plain cashier for merchants and industrial capitalists.
Money-dealing is fully developed — and it is that already in its very first beginnings — as soon as lending and borrowing attach themselves to its other functions, and with them trade on credit. That is for the next Part, on interest-bearing capital.
The bullion trade itself — gold or silver moved from one country to another — is just a result of commodity trade. It is determined by the rate of exchange, which expresses where international payments stand and what the rate of interest is on the various markets. The dealer in bullion, as such, only passes results along.
Money, its movements and the forms it takes, develops out of simple commodity circulation. Looking into that, we saw (Volume 1, Chapter 3) that how much money moves as means of purchase and as means of payment is fixed by the metamorphosis of commodities, by how big and how fast that is — and that this metamorphosis is itself, as we now know, only one moment of the reproduction process as a whole. As for getting hold of the money material, gold and silver, at its sources of production, that comes down to direct commodity exchange, gold and silver exchanging as a commodity against other commodities, so it is just as much a moment of commodity exchange as getting hold of iron or any other metal.
The movement of precious metals on the world market — we leave aside here whatever part of it expresses a transfer of loan capital, a transfer that also takes place in the form of commodity capital — is fixed by international commodity exchange in exactly the same way as, at home, the movement of money as means of buying and paying is fixed by commodity exchange at home. When precious metals leave one national sphere of circulation for another, and the cause is only that a national currency has lost value, or bi-metallism, that has nothing to do with monetary circulation as such; it merely corrects arbitrary deviations the state has brought about by decree.
Hoard formation, lastly — whether it is a reserve fund of means of purchase and payment, at home or abroad, or whether it is merely a form of temporarily idle capital — is in both cases only a necessary precipitate of the circulation process.
Money circulation as a whole — its volume, its forms, its movements — is a mere result of commodity circulation, and from the capitalist standpoint commodity circulation itself represents nothing but the process by which capital circulates (which includes the exchange of capital against revenue and of revenue against revenue, in so far as revenue is spent in retail trade). So it goes without saying that money-dealing mediates not merely this result and form of appearance of commodity circulation, the circulation of money. This money circulation itself, as one moment of commodity circulation, is given for money-dealing. What it mediates are the technical operations of that circulation, which it concentrates, shortens and simplifies.
Money-dealing does not create the hoards. It provides the technical means for forming them, so that hoard formation — where it is voluntary, that is, not the expression of idle capital or of a disturbance in the reproduction process — can be reduced to its economic minimum. The reserve fund of means of purchase and payment need not be as large when it is looked after for the whole capitalist class as when each capitalist has to keep his own.
Money-dealing does not buy the precious metals; it only mediates their distribution once commodity trade has bought them. It makes the settlement of balances easier wherever money works as a means of payment, and through the artificial mechanism it builds for these settlements it cuts down the quantity of money they need. But it fixes neither the relationship between these mutual payments nor their volume. Take the bills and cheques that banks and clearing houses swap among themselves: they come out of entirely independent businesses, they are the results of operations already carried out, and the only question is a better technical settlement of those results. And where money circulates as a means of purchase, how much and how often goods are bought and sold has nothing to do with money-dealing.
Money-dealing can only shorten the technical operations that go with these transactions, and in that way reduce the quantity of ready cash they need for their turnover.
So the money trade, in the pure form of it that we take up here — kept apart, that is, from the credit system — has to do only with the technique of one moment of commodity circulation, namely money circulation and the various functions of money that spring from it.
This is what fundamentally sets money-dealing apart from commodity trade. Commodity trade carries through the metamorphosis of the commodity and the exchange of commodities, or it lets this process of commodity capital appear as the process of a capital separated off from industrial capital. Commodity-dealing capital therefore shows a circulation form of its own, M–C–M, in which the commodity changes place twice and money thereby flows back — as against C–M–C, in which money changes hands twice and thereby mediates commodity exchange. Nothing like a special form of this kind can be exhibited for money-dealing capital.
Where a special section of capitalists advances money capital for this technical mediation of money circulation — a capital that, on a reduced scale, stands in for the extra capital merchants and industrial capitalists would otherwise have to advance themselves for these purposes — capital's general form, M–M′, is present here too. Advancing M produces M + ΔM for the one who advances it. But the mediation of M–M′ here concerns not the material moments of the metamorphosis, only the technical ones.
It is obvious that the money capital the money-dealers handle is the money capital of merchants and industrialists that is in circulation, and that the operations they perform are only those merchants' and industrialists' own operations — the dealers mediate them.
It is just as clear that their profit is nothing but a deduction from surplus-value, since the values they deal with are already realized — even where the only form of that realization is a claim to payment.
As with commodity trade, the functions are duplicated here. For part of the technical operations bound up with money circulation has to be done by the dealers in commodities and by the producers themselves.