The value added fresh each year by that year's newly added labour — and so also the piece of the yearly product in which that value shows up, the piece that can be pulled out and separated from the whole yield — falls into three parts. Those parts take three different forms of revenue: forms that say a part of this value belongs to, or falls to, the owner of labour-power, a part to the owner of capital, and a third part to the owner of landed property. So these are relations or forms of distribution — because they spell out the relations under which the total value newly produced is shared out among the owners of the different agents of production.
To the usual way of looking at things, these relations of distribution appear to be natural relations — relations that spring from the nature of all social production, from the laws of human production as such. It is true that this view cannot deny that pre-capitalist societies show other modes of distribution; but it then reads those as undeveloped, incomplete and disguised versions of those same natural relations — versions not reduced to their purest expression and highest form, just differently coloured.
The one thing that is right in this way of seeing things is this. Suppose social production of any kind at all — the Indian communities that grew up of themselves, say, or the more artificially developed communism of the Peruvians. Given that, you can always tell apart two parts of labour: the part whose product the producers and their dependants consume directly and individually, and — leaving aside the part that goes into productive consumption — another part of labour that is always surplus labour, whose product always serves general social needs, however that surplus product gets distributed and whoever acts as the representative of those needs. So the identity of the different modes of distribution comes down to this: they are identical if you abstract from their distinctions and their specific forms, and hold on only to the unity in them, against their difference.
A more developed, more critical awareness does concede the historically developed character of the relations of distribution. But in exchange it holds all the more firmly to the relations of production themselves as staying the same — as springing from human nature and therefore independent of all historical development.
The scientific analysis of the capitalist mode of production proves the opposite. It is a mode of production of a particular kind, with a specific historical determinacy. Like every other determinate mode of production, it presupposes a given stage of the social productive forces and of their forms of development as its historical condition — a condition that is itself the historical result and product of an earlier process, and which the new mode of production takes as its given foundation. The relations of production that correspond to this specific, historically determined mode — the relations people enter into in their social life-process, in producing their social life — have a specific, historical and transitory character. And finally, the relations of distribution are essentially identical with these relations of production; they are a reverse side of them, so that both share the same historically transitory character.
In considering the relations of distribution, one starts, at first, from an alleged fact: that the annual product is distributed as wages, profit and ground-rent. But put in those terms, the fact is false. The product splits into capital on one side and revenues on the other. One of those revenues, wages, itself only ever takes the form of a revenue — the worker's revenue — after it has first confronted that same worker in the form of capital. When the produced conditions of labour, and the products of labour in general, stand opposite the immediate producers as capital, this includes from the outset a definite social character that the material conditions of labour bear towards the workers, and with it a definite relation in which the workers enter, in production itself, towards the owners of those conditions and towards one another. And converting those conditions of labour into capital in turn includes the expropriation of the immediate producers from the land, and with that a particular form of landed property.
If one part of the product were not turned into capital, the other part would not take on the forms of wages, profit and rent.
On the other hand: if the capitalist mode of production presupposes this particular social form of the conditions of production, it also keeps reproducing that form, constantly. What it produces is not only material products: it constantly reproduces the relations of production within which those products are made, and with them the relations of distribution that correspond to them.
It can admittedly be said that capital — and landed property, which capital includes as its opposite — itself already presupposes a distribution: the workers expropriated from the conditions of labour, those conditions concentrated in the hands of a minority of individuals, the land owned exclusively by other individuals — in short, all the relations set out in the section on primitive accumulation.
But this distribution is an altogether different thing from what people mean by relations of distribution when they claim a historical character for them, in contrast to the relations of production. What they mean by that term are the various titles to the part of the product that goes to individual consumption.
Those first relations of distribution, by contrast, are the foundations of particular social functions — functions that fall, within the relation of production itself, to particular agents of it, as opposed to the immediate producers. They give the conditions of production themselves, and the people who represent them, a specific social quality. They determine the whole character and the whole movement of production.
Two characteristic traits set the capitalist mode of production apart from the very start.
First: it produces its products as commodities. But producing commodities does not set this mode apart from other modes of production. What sets it apart is that being a commodity is the dominant and determining character of its product. This includes, first of all, that the worker himself appears only as a seller of commodities, and so as a free wage-labourer, with labour in general appearing as wage-labour. After the argument developed so far, there is no need to show all over again how the relation of capital and wage-labour determines the whole character of the mode of production. Take the chief agents of this mode of production itself, the capitalist and the wage-labourer: as such they are only embodiments, personifications of capital and wage-labour — definite social characters stamped on individuals by the social production process, products of these definite social relations of production.
The character, 1. of the product as a commodity, and 2. of the commodity as the product of capital, already includes all the relations of circulation — that is, a definite social process which the products have to pass through, and in which they take on definite social characters. It includes, equally, definite relations among the agents of production, and these decide how their product is valorized and how it is turned back into means of subsistence or into means of production. But even leaving that aside, the two characters above — the product as a commodity, and the commodity as a capitalistically produced commodity — give rise to the whole determination of value and to the regulation of total production by value. In this quite specific form of value, labour counts on the one hand only as social labour. On the other hand, the distribution of this social labour — the way its products complement one another, their metabolism, their subordination to and insertion into the social mechanism — is left to the accidental, mutually cancelling activity of the individual capitalist producers. These producers meet one another only as owners of commodities, and each tries to sell his commodity as dear as he can; even in regulating production itself he seems to follow nothing but his own caprice. So the inner law gets its way only through their competition, through the pressure they put on one another, and it is that pressure which makes the deviations cancel out. Only as an inner law, and towards the individual agents as a blind natural law, does the law of value work here, and assert the social equilibrium of production amid its accidental fluctuations.
The commodity, further, already includes — and the commodity as the product of capital includes still more — two things: the social determinations of production turned into things (their reification), and the material bases of production turned into subjects (their subjectification). Together these characterize the whole capitalist mode of production.
The second thing that marks the capitalist mode of production in particular is this: producing surplus-value is the direct aim of production and its determining motive. Capital essentially produces capital, and it does that only in so far as it produces surplus-value. When we looked at relative surplus-value, and then at how surplus-value turns into profit, we saw how a mode of production peculiar to the capitalist period rests on this. It is a particular form of development of the social productive powers of labour — but as powers of capital that have become independent in the face of the worker, and so stand in direct opposition to the worker's own development. Producing for value and surplus-value includes, as the later argument showed, a tendency that is always at work: to push the labour-time a commodity needs — that is, its value — below the social average that prevails at the time. The urge to drive the cost price down to its minimum becomes the strongest lever for raising the social productive power of labour. Here, though, that gain in productive power appears only as a steady increase in the productive power of capital.
The authority the capitalist takes on in the immediate production process as the personification of capital — the social function he fills as the director and ruler of production — is essentially different from the authority that rests on production with slaves, serfs and the like.
On the basis of capitalist production, the mass of immediate producers is confronted by the social character of their production in the form of a strictly regulating authority and of a social mechanism of the labour process laid out as a complete hierarchy. This authority falls to the people who carry it only as the personification of the conditions of labour set against labour — not to them as political or theocratic rulers, the way it did in earlier forms of production. Among the bearers of this authority, by contrast — the capitalists themselves, who meet one another only as owners of commodities — the most complete anarchy rules. Inside that anarchy, the social interconnection of production makes itself felt against the caprice of the individual only as an overwhelming natural law.
Only because labour is presupposed in the form of wage-labour, and the means of production in the form of capital — that is, only as a result of this specific social shape of these two essential agents of production — does one part of the value (the product) present itself as surplus-value, and this surplus-value present itself as profit (rent): as the capitalist's gain, as extra wealth at his disposal and belonging to him. But only because it presents itself in this way as his profit do the additional means of production — meant for the expansion of reproduction, and forming a part of the profit — present themselves as new, additional capital, and the expansion of the reproduction process in general present itself as a process of capitalist accumulation.
The form of labour as wage-labour is decisive for the shape of the whole process and for the specific way production itself is carried on — but even so, it is not wage-labour that determines value. Determining value is about social labour-time in general, the whole quantity of labour that society has at its disposal; and the relative absorption of that labour by the different products determines, as it were, their respective social weight. The particular form in which social labour-time asserts itself as what determines the value of commodities is admittedly connected with labour taking the form of wage-labour, and with the means of production taking the corresponding form of capital — in so far as it is only on this basis that commodity production becomes the general form of production.
Let us look, further, at the so-called relations of distribution themselves. Wages presuppose wage-labour; profit presupposes capital. So these particular forms of distribution presuppose particular social characters of the conditions of production, and particular social relations among the agents of production. The particular relation of distribution is therefore only the expression of the historically determined relation of production.
Now take profit. This particular form of surplus-value is the presupposition for new means of production being formed in the form of capitalist production. So it is a relation that governs reproduction — even though it seems to the individual capitalist that he could really eat up the whole profit as revenue. But he runs into limits, meeting them already in the form of insurance and reserve funds, the law of competition and the like, and these prove to him in practice that profit is no mere category of distribution of the individually consumable product. The whole capitalist production process, further, is regulated by the prices of the products. But the regulating prices of production are themselves regulated in turn by the equalization of the rate of profit and by the distribution of capital among the various spheres of social production that goes with it. So what profit turns out to be here is the principal factor — not of the distribution of the products, but of their production itself: a part of how capitals, and labour itself, are distributed among the various spheres of production. The split of profit into profit of enterprise and interest appears as a distribution of the same revenue. But in the first place it springs from the development of capital as value that valorizes itself and produces surplus-value — this particular social shape of the dominant production process. Out of itself it develops credit and the credit institutions, and with them the shape of production. In interest and the like, the alleged forms of distribution enter the price as determining moments of production.
Of ground-rent it could seem that it is a mere form of distribution, because landed property as such performs no function — or at any rate no normal function — in the production process itself. But the fact that, first, rent is limited to the excess over the average profit, and second, that the landowner is pushed down from guide and master of the production process and of the whole social life-process to a mere leaser of land, a usurer in land and a mere collector of rent — that is a specific historical result of the capitalist mode of production. That the earth has received the form of landed property is a historical precondition of this mode. That landed property takes forms that permit the capitalist way of farming is a product of the specific character of this mode. One may also call the landowner's income rent in other forms of society. But it is essentially different from rent as it appears in this mode of production.
So the so-called relations of distribution correspond to historically determinate, specifically social forms of the production process — and of the relations people enter into with one another in reproducing their human life — and they arise from those forms. The historical character they have is that of the relations of production; they express only one side of those. Capitalist distribution differs from the forms of distribution that arise from other modes of production, and every form of distribution vanishes along with the particular form of production it stems from and corresponds to.
The view that treats only the relations of distribution as historical, and not the relations of production, is on the one hand only the view of a critique of bourgeois economics that is just beginning but still caught inside what it criticizes. On the other hand it rests on a confusion and identification of the social production process with the simple labour process — the kind of process even an abnormally isolated person, with no social help at all, would have to carry out.
In so far as the labour process is only a mere process between man and nature, its simple elements remain common to all the social forms of its development. But each particular historical form of this process further develops its own material foundations and social forms. Once it has reached a certain stage of maturity, the particular historical form is shed and makes way for a higher one. That the moment of such a crisis has come shows itself as soon as the contradiction and antagonism between the relations of distribution — and hence the particular historical shape of the relations of production corresponding to them — on the one side, and the productive forces, the capacity to produce and the development of their agents on the other, gains in breadth and depth. A conflict then sets in between the material development of production and its social form.
The value added fresh each year by that year's newly added labour — and so also the piece of the yearly product in which that value shows up, the piece that can be pulled out and separated from the whole yield — falls into three parts. Those parts take three different forms of revenue: forms that say a part of this value belongs to, or falls to, the owner of labour-power, a part to the owner of capital, and a third part to the owner of landed property. So these are relations or forms of distribution — because they spell out the relations under which the total value newly produced is shared out among the owners of the different agents of production.
To the usual way of looking at things, these relations of distribution appear to be natural relations — relations that spring from the nature of all social production, from the laws of human production as such. It is true that this view cannot deny that pre-capitalist societies show other modes of distribution; but it then reads those as undeveloped, incomplete and disguised versions of those same natural relations — versions not reduced to their purest expression and highest form, just differently coloured.
The one thing that is right in this way of seeing things is this. Suppose social production of any kind at all — the Indian communities that grew up of themselves, say, or the more artificially developed communism of the Peruvians. Given that, you can always tell apart two parts of labour: the part whose product the producers and their dependants consume directly and individually, and — leaving aside the part that goes into productive consumption — another part of labour that is always surplus labour, whose product always serves general social needs, however that surplus product gets distributed and whoever acts as the representative of those needs. So the identity of the different modes of distribution comes down to this: they are identical if you abstract from their distinctions and their specific forms, and hold on only to the unity in them, against their difference.
A more developed, more critical awareness does concede the historically developed character of the relations of distribution. But in exchange it holds all the more firmly to the relations of production themselves as staying the same — as springing from human nature and therefore independent of all historical development.
The scientific analysis of the capitalist mode of production proves the opposite. It is a mode of production of a particular kind, with a specific historical determinacy. Like every other determinate mode of production, it presupposes a given stage of the social productive forces and of their forms of development as its historical condition — a condition that is itself the historical result and product of an earlier process, and which the new mode of production takes as its given foundation. The relations of production that correspond to this specific, historically determined mode — the relations people enter into in their social life-process, in producing their social life — have a specific, historical and transitory character. And finally, the relations of distribution are essentially identical with these relations of production; they are a reverse side of them, so that both share the same historically transitory character.
In considering the relations of distribution, one starts, at first, from an alleged fact: that the annual product is distributed as wages, profit and ground-rent. But put in those terms, the fact is false. The product splits into capital on one side and revenues on the other. One of those revenues, wages, itself only ever takes the form of a revenue — the worker's revenue — after it has first confronted that same worker in the form of capital. When the produced conditions of labour, and the products of labour in general, stand opposite the immediate producers as capital, this includes from the outset a definite social character that the material conditions of labour bear towards the workers, and with it a definite relation in which the workers enter, in production itself, towards the owners of those conditions and towards one another. And converting those conditions of labour into capital in turn includes the expropriation of the immediate producers from the land, and with that a particular form of landed property.
If one part of the product were not turned into capital, the other part would not take on the forms of wages, profit and rent.
On the other hand: if the capitalist mode of production presupposes this particular social form of the conditions of production, it also keeps reproducing that form, constantly. What it produces is not only material products: it constantly reproduces the relations of production within which those products are made, and with them the relations of distribution that correspond to them.
It can admittedly be said that capital — and landed property, which capital includes as its opposite — itself already presupposes a distribution: the workers expropriated from the conditions of labour, those conditions concentrated in the hands of a minority of individuals, the land owned exclusively by other individuals — in short, all the relations set out in the section on primitive accumulation.
But this distribution is an altogether different thing from what people mean by relations of distribution when they claim a historical character for them, in contrast to the relations of production. What they mean by that term are the various titles to the part of the product that goes to individual consumption.
Those first relations of distribution, by contrast, are the foundations of particular social functions — functions that fall, within the relation of production itself, to particular agents of it, as opposed to the immediate producers. They give the conditions of production themselves, and the people who represent them, a specific social quality. They determine the whole character and the whole movement of production.
Two characteristic traits set the capitalist mode of production apart from the very start.
First: it produces its products as commodities. But producing commodities does not set this mode apart from other modes of production. What sets it apart is that being a commodity is the dominant and determining character of its product. This includes, first of all, that the worker himself appears only as a seller of commodities, and so as a free wage-labourer, with labour in general appearing as wage-labour. After the argument developed so far, there is no need to show all over again how the relation of capital and wage-labour determines the whole character of the mode of production. Take the chief agents of this mode of production itself, the capitalist and the wage-labourer: as such they are only embodiments, personifications of capital and wage-labour — definite social characters stamped on individuals by the social production process, products of these definite social relations of production.
The character, 1. of the product as a commodity, and 2. of the commodity as the product of capital, already includes all the relations of circulation — that is, a definite social process which the products have to pass through, and in which they take on definite social characters. It includes, equally, definite relations among the agents of production, and these decide how their product is valorized and how it is turned back into means of subsistence or into means of production. But even leaving that aside, the two characters above — the product as a commodity, and the commodity as a capitalistically produced commodity — give rise to the whole determination of value and to the regulation of total production by value. In this quite specific form of value, labour counts on the one hand only as social labour. On the other hand, the distribution of this social labour — the way its products complement one another, their metabolism, their subordination to and insertion into the social mechanism — is left to the accidental, mutually cancelling activity of the individual capitalist producers. These producers meet one another only as owners of commodities, and each tries to sell his commodity as dear as he can; even in regulating production itself he seems to follow nothing but his own caprice. So the inner law gets its way only through their competition, through the pressure they put on one another, and it is that pressure which makes the deviations cancel out. Only as an inner law, and towards the individual agents as a blind natural law, does the law of value work here, and assert the social equilibrium of production amid its accidental fluctuations.
The commodity, further, already includes — and the commodity as the product of capital includes still more — two things: the social determinations of production turned into things (their reification), and the material bases of production turned into subjects (their subjectification). Together these characterize the whole capitalist mode of production.
The second thing that marks the capitalist mode of production in particular is this: producing surplus-value is the direct aim of production and its determining motive. Capital essentially produces capital, and it does that only in so far as it produces surplus-value. When we looked at relative surplus-value, and then at how surplus-value turns into profit, we saw how a mode of production peculiar to the capitalist period rests on this. It is a particular form of development of the social productive powers of labour — but as powers of capital that have become independent in the face of the worker, and so stand in direct opposition to the worker's own development. Producing for value and surplus-value includes, as the later argument showed, a tendency that is always at work: to push the labour-time a commodity needs — that is, its value — below the social average that prevails at the time. The urge to drive the cost price down to its minimum becomes the strongest lever for raising the social productive power of labour. Here, though, that gain in productive power appears only as a steady increase in the productive power of capital.
The authority the capitalist takes on in the immediate production process as the personification of capital — the social function he fills as the director and ruler of production — is essentially different from the authority that rests on production with slaves, serfs and the like.
On the basis of capitalist production, the mass of immediate producers is confronted by the social character of their production in the form of a strictly regulating authority and of a social mechanism of the labour process laid out as a complete hierarchy. This authority falls to the people who carry it only as the personification of the conditions of labour set against labour — not to them as political or theocratic rulers, the way it did in earlier forms of production. Among the bearers of this authority, by contrast — the capitalists themselves, who meet one another only as owners of commodities — the most complete anarchy rules. Inside that anarchy, the social interconnection of production makes itself felt against the caprice of the individual only as an overwhelming natural law.
Only because labour is presupposed in the form of wage-labour, and the means of production in the form of capital — that is, only as a result of this specific social shape of these two essential agents of production — does one part of the value (the product) present itself as surplus-value, and this surplus-value present itself as profit (rent): as the capitalist's gain, as extra wealth at his disposal and belonging to him. But only because it presents itself in this way as his profit do the additional means of production — meant for the expansion of reproduction, and forming a part of the profit — present themselves as new, additional capital, and the expansion of the reproduction process in general present itself as a process of capitalist accumulation.
The form of labour as wage-labour is decisive for the shape of the whole process and for the specific way production itself is carried on — but even so, it is not wage-labour that determines value. Determining value is about social labour-time in general, the whole quantity of labour that society has at its disposal; and the relative absorption of that labour by the different products determines, as it were, their respective social weight. The particular form in which social labour-time asserts itself as what determines the value of commodities is admittedly connected with labour taking the form of wage-labour, and with the means of production taking the corresponding form of capital — in so far as it is only on this basis that commodity production becomes the general form of production.
Let us look, further, at the so-called relations of distribution themselves. Wages presuppose wage-labour; profit presupposes capital. So these particular forms of distribution presuppose particular social characters of the conditions of production, and particular social relations among the agents of production. The particular relation of distribution is therefore only the expression of the historically determined relation of production.
Now take profit. This particular form of surplus-value is the presupposition for new means of production being formed in the form of capitalist production. So it is a relation that governs reproduction — even though it seems to the individual capitalist that he could really eat up the whole profit as revenue. But he runs into limits, meeting them already in the form of insurance and reserve funds, the law of competition and the like, and these prove to him in practice that profit is no mere category of distribution of the individually consumable product. The whole capitalist production process, further, is regulated by the prices of the products. But the regulating prices of production are themselves regulated in turn by the equalization of the rate of profit and by the distribution of capital among the various spheres of social production that goes with it. So what profit turns out to be here is the principal factor — not of the distribution of the products, but of their production itself: a part of how capitals, and labour itself, are distributed among the various spheres of production. The split of profit into profit of enterprise and interest appears as a distribution of the same revenue. But in the first place it springs from the development of capital as value that valorizes itself and produces surplus-value — this particular social shape of the dominant production process. Out of itself it develops credit and the credit institutions, and with them the shape of production. In interest and the like, the alleged forms of distribution enter the price as determining moments of production.
Of ground-rent it could seem that it is a mere form of distribution, because landed property as such performs no function — or at any rate no normal function — in the production process itself. But the fact that, first, rent is limited to the excess over the average profit, and second, that the landowner is pushed down from guide and master of the production process and of the whole social life-process to a mere leaser of land, a usurer in land and a mere collector of rent — that is a specific historical result of the capitalist mode of production. That the earth has received the form of landed property is a historical precondition of this mode. That landed property takes forms that permit the capitalist way of farming is a product of the specific character of this mode. One may also call the landowner's income rent in other forms of society. But it is essentially different from rent as it appears in this mode of production.
So the so-called relations of distribution correspond to historically determinate, specifically social forms of the production process — and of the relations people enter into with one another in reproducing their human life — and they arise from those forms. The historical character they have is that of the relations of production; they express only one side of those. Capitalist distribution differs from the forms of distribution that arise from other modes of production, and every form of distribution vanishes along with the particular form of production it stems from and corresponds to.
The view that treats only the relations of distribution as historical, and not the relations of production, is on the one hand only the view of a critique of bourgeois economics that is just beginning but still caught inside what it criticizes. On the other hand it rests on a confusion and identification of the social production process with the simple labour process — the kind of process even an abnormally isolated person, with no social help at all, would have to carry out.
In so far as the labour process is only a mere process between man and nature, its simple elements remain common to all the social forms of its development. But each particular historical form of this process further develops its own material foundations and social forms. Once it has reached a certain stage of maturity, the particular historical form is shed and makes way for a higher one. That the moment of such a crisis has come shows itself as soon as the contradiction and antagonism between the relations of distribution — and hence the particular historical shape of the relations of production corresponding to them — on the one side, and the productive forces, the capacity to produce and the development of their agents on the other, gains in breadth and depth. A conflict then sets in between the material development of production and its social form.