The previous Part showed that the rate of profit can rise or fall even while the rate of surplus-value stays the same. This chapter now assumes that the degree to which labour is exploited — and so the rate of surplus-value and the length of the working day — is the same in every sphere of production into which a country's social labour is divided.
Adam Smith already showed at length that many differences in how labour is exploited across different spheres even out, through all sorts of grounds for compensation — some real, some merely accepted out of prejudice. Because such differences are only apparent and tend to vanish, they don't count in an investigation into the general relations.
Other differences, for instance in the level of wages, mostly rest on the distinction between simple and complex labour already mentioned near the start of Volume 1. That distinction makes workers' lot very unequal across different spheres, but it does not touch the degree to which labour is exploited in those spheres at all: if a goldsmith's labour is paid more than a day-labourer's, then the goldsmith's surplus labour produces, in that very same proportion, more surplus-value too.
Where local obstacles of many kinds hold back the equalizing of wages and working days — and so of the rate of surplus-value — between different spheres of production, or even between different capital investments within the same sphere, this equalizing still happens more and more as capitalist production advances and subordinates every economic relation to itself. Studying such frictions matters for any specialized work on wages, but for a general investigation of capitalist production they are accidental and inessential, to be left aside. In such a general investigation it is always assumed that actual relations correspond to their concept — or, what comes to the same thing, actual relations are depicted only so far as they express their own general type.
The difference between rates of surplus-value in different countries — and so between the different national levels of exploitation of labour — is of no concern to the present investigation. What this part sets out to show is how a general rate of profit gets established within a single country. When comparing different countries' rates of profit, it is clear enough that one only needs to combine what was worked out earlier with what is worked out here: first take the difference in national rates of surplus-value, then compare, on the basis of those given rates, the difference in national rates of profit. Whatever part of that difference does not come from a difference in national rates of surplus-value must be owed to the kind of circumstances that this chapter investigates, where surplus-value is assumed to be everywhere the same, constant.
The previous chapter showed that, with the rate of surplus-value held constant, the rate of profit a given capital yields can rise or fall because of circumstances that raise or lower the value of one part or another of the constant capital, and so affect the ratio between the constant and variable parts of the capital. It was also noted that circumstances lengthening or shortening a capital's turnover time can affect the rate of profit in a similar way.
Since the mass of profit is identical with the mass of surplus-value — is the surplus-value itself — it was also shown that the mass of profit, unlike the rate of profit, is not touched by those value fluctuations. They only altered the rate at which a given surplus-value, and so a profit of a given size, gets expressed — that is, its proportional size, its size measured against the size of the capital advanced.
So far as those value fluctuations tied up or released capital, profit itself, not only its rate, could be affected by this indirect route. But even then this held only of capital already invested, never of a new investment; and beyond that, any increase or decrease in the profit itself still depended entirely on how far those value fluctuations let more or less labour be set in motion with the same capital — that is, on whether the same capital, with the rate of surplus-value unchanged, could produce a larger or smaller mass of surplus-value. Far from contradicting the general law, or forming an exception to it, this apparent exception was in fact only a particular case of the general law being applied.
The previous Part showed that, with the degree of exploitation held constant, a change in the value of the constant capital's components, and likewise a change in the capital's turnover time, altered the rate of profit. From this it follows naturally that the rates of profit in different spheres of production existing side by side at the same time will differ — whenever, other things being equal, the turnover time of the capitals employed differs, or the value ratio between the organic parts of those capitals differs from one branch of production to another.
What we previously considered as changes happening one after another in time within the same capital, we now consider as differences that exist all at once, side by side, between capital investments standing next to one another in different spheres of production.
Here we will need to examine: first, the difference in the organic composition of capitals; second, the difference in their turnover time.
The assumption running through this whole investigation is, of course, that whenever we speak of the composition or turnover of capital in a given branch of production, we always mean the average, normal ratio of the capital invested in that branch — the average of the total capital invested in that particular sphere as a whole, never the accidental differences among the individual capitals invested within it.
Since it is also assumed that the rate of surplus-value and the working day are constant — and this assumption includes a constant wage as well — a given amount of variable capital expresses a given amount of labour-power set in motion, and so a determinate amount of labour that will become objectified. If £100 expresses the weekly wage of 100 workers, that is, actually indicates 100 units of labour-power, then n times £100 indicates the weekly wage of n times 100 workers, and £100 divided by n the weekly wage of 100 divided by n workers.
Variable capital thus serves here, as is always the case once the wage is given, as an index of the mass of labour set in motion by a given total capital; differences in the size of the variable capital employed therefore serve as indices of differences in the mass of labour-power employed. If £100 represents 100 workers for a week, and so, at 60 hours of work a week, represents 6,000 hours of labour, then £200 represents 12,000 hours, and £50 only 3,000 hours.
By the composition of capital we understand, as already explained in Volume 1, the ratio between its active and its passive component — the variable and the constant capital. Two ratios come into play here, and they are not of equal importance, although under certain circumstances they can produce the same effect.
The first ratio rests on a technical basis, and at a given stage in the development of the productive power it is to be taken as given. A certain mass of labour-power, represented by a certain number of workers, is needed to produce a certain mass of product, say in one day — and, bound up with that, to set in motion, to consume productively, a certain mass of means of production: machinery, raw materials, and so on. A definite number of workers corresponds to a definite quantity of means of production, and so a definite quantity of living labour corresponds to a definite quantity of labour already objectified in those means of production.
This ratio varies a great deal between different spheres of production, often even between different branches of one and the same industry, although by chance it can turn out to be wholly or nearly the same in industries lying very far apart from one another.
This ratio forms the technical composition of capital, and it is the actual basis of the capital's organic composition.
But it is also possible for that ratio to be the same in different branches of industry, so far as the variable capital is a mere index of labour-power and the constant capital a mere index of the mass of means of production that labour-power sets in motion. Certain kinds of work in copper and in iron, for instance, may presuppose the same ratio between labour-power and mass of means of production. But since copper is more expensive than iron, the value ratio between variable and constant capital will differ in the two cases, and so will the value composition of the two total capitals.
The difference between the technical composition and the value composition shows up, in every branch of industry, in this: that with the technical composition constant, the value ratio between the two parts of the capital can change, and with the technical composition altered, the value ratio can stay the same — the latter, of course, only if the change in the ratio of the masses of means of production and labour-power employed is offset by an opposite change in their values.
The value composition of capital, in so far as it is determined by the capital's technical composition and reflects that technical composition, we call the organic composition of capital.
With the variable capital, then, we assume that it is an index of a definite quantity of labour-power, of a definite number of workers, or of a definite mass of living labour set in motion. It was seen in the previous Part that a change in the value-magnitude of the variable capital might represent nothing more than a higher or lower price for the very same mass of labour; but here, where the rate of surplus-value and the working day are treated as constant, and the wage for a certain labour-time is treated as given, that possibility drops away.
A difference in the size of the constant capital, by contrast, can indeed also be an index of a change in the mass of means of production set in motion by a certain quantity of labour-power; but it can also arise from a difference in the value that the means of production set in motion have in one sphere of production as against another. Both points of view therefore have to be taken into consideration here.
Finally, the following essential point should be noted:
Suppose £100 is the weekly wage of 100 workers. Suppose the weekly working time is 60 hours. Suppose, further, that the rate of surplus-value is 100 per cent. In that case the workers spend 30 of the 60 hours working for themselves, and 30 hours working for nothing for the capitalist.
In fact the £100 wage embodies only 30 hours of labour from each of the 100 workers — 3,000 hours of labour in all — while the other 3,000 hours they work are embodied in the £100 of surplus-value, or profit, that the capitalist pockets. So although the £100 wage does not express the value in which the week's labour of the 100 workers is objectified, it nonetheless shows — since the length of the working day and the rate of surplus-value are given — that this capital has set 100 workers in motion for 6,000 hours of labour in all.
The £100 capital shows this for two reasons. First, it indicates the number of workers set in motion, since £1 equals 1 worker per week, so £100 equals 100 workers. Second, because every worker set in motion, at the given rate of surplus-value of 100 per cent, performs twice as much labour as is contained in his wage: so £1, his wage — itself the expression of half a week's labour — sets a whole week's labour in motion, and likewise £100, although it contains only 50 weeks of labour, sets 100 weeks of labour in motion.
There is, then, a very essential distinction to be drawn in the variable capital laid out in wages: between its value, the sum of the wages, so far as that value represents a determinate quantity of objectified labour, and that same value so far as it is merely an index of the mass of living labour it sets in motion. The mass of living labour set in motion is always greater than the labour contained in the variable capital, and so it is also expressed in a higher value than the value of the variable capital itself — a value fixed, on one side, by the number of workers the variable capital sets in motion, and on the other, by the quantity of surplus labour they perform.
It follows from this way of looking at variable capital:
Suppose a capital invested in one sphere of production, A, lays out only 100 of its total 700 as variable capital and 600 as constant, while in another sphere, B, 600 is laid out as variable and only 100 as constant. Then the total capital of 700 in A sets in motion a labour-power of only 100 — on the earlier assumption, 100 weeks of labour, or 6,000 hours of living labour — while the equal-sized total capital of 700 in B sets in motion 600 weeks, or 36,000 hours of living labour. Capital A would therefore appropriate only 50 weeks, or 3,000 hours, of surplus labour, while the equal-sized capital in B would appropriate 300 weeks, or 18,000 hours.
Variable capital is an index not only of the labour it itself contains, but — given a fixed rate of surplus-value — also of the extra, surplus labour it sets in motion beyond that. At the same degree of exploitation of labour, the profit would be 100/700 = 1/7 = 14 2/7 per cent in the first case, and 600/700 = 85 5/7 per cent in the second: six times the rate. But in fact the profit itself would also be six times greater in this case — 600 for B against 100 for A — because six times as much living labour is set in motion with the same capital, so that at the same degree of exploitation of labour, six times the surplus-value, and hence six times the profit, is made.
Suppose that instead of 700, capital A applied £7,000, while B still applied only £700. Then, with the organic composition unchanged, capital A would lay out £1,000 of the £7,000 as variable capital — that is, 1,000 workers weekly, or 60,000 hours of living labour, of which 30,000 hours would be surplus labour. But as before, A would set in motion, for each £700, only a sixth as much living labour, and hence only a sixth as much surplus labour, as B, and so also produce only a sixth as much profit. Looking at the rate of profit: 1,000/7,000 = 100/700 = 14 2/7 per cent, against 600/700, or 85 5/7 per cent, for capital B. Taking equal amounts of capital, the rate of profit differs here because, at an equal rate of surplus-value, the differing masses of living labour set in motion mean that the masses of surplus-value produced, and hence the profits, differ.
The same result follows, in fact, when the technical relations are the same in one sphere of production as in the other, but the value of the constant-capital elements applied is greater or smaller. Suppose both apply £100 as variable capital, and so both need 100 workers weekly to set the same quantity of machinery and raw material in motion — but that this quantity is dearer in B than in A. Then for every £100 of variable capital, A might need, say, £200 of constant capital, and B £400. At a rate of surplus-value of 100 per cent, the surplus-value produced is £100 in both cases, and so the profit is also £100 in both cases. But in A, 100/(200c + 100v) = 1/3 = 33⅓ per cent; in B, 100/(400c + 100v) = 1/5 = 20 per cent. Indeed, taking a definite fraction of the total capital in each case, in B only £20 out of every £100, or a fifth, is variable capital, while in A, £33⅓ out of every £100, or a third, is variable. B produces less profit for every £100 because, for every £100, it sets less living labour in motion than A. The difference in the rates of profit resolves, once again, into a difference in the masses of profit produced for every 100 of capital invested — that is, into a difference in the masses of surplus-value produced.
The difference between this second example and the one before is only this: equalizing A and B in the second case would require only a change in the value of the constant capital, whether A's or B's, with the technical basis unchanged; in the first case, by contrast, the technical composition itself differs between the two spheres of production, and would have to be revolutionized to bring about equality.
So the differing organic composition of capitals is independent of their absolute size. The only question is always how much of every 100 is variable capital, and how much is constant.
Capitals of different sizes reduced to percentages — or, which comes to the same thing here, capitals of equal size — therefore produce, at an equal working day and an equal degree of exploitation of labour, very different amounts of profit, because they produce very different amounts of surplus-value; and this is because, given the differing organic composition of capital in different spheres of production, their variable part differs, so the quantities of living labour they set in motion differ, and so too do the quantities of surplus labour they appropriate — the substance of surplus-value, and hence of profit.
Equal-sized pieces of the total capital in different spheres of production enclose unequal-sized sources of surplus-value — and the only source of surplus-value is living labour. At an equal degree of exploitation of labour, the amount of labour set in motion by a capital of 100, and hence also the surplus labour it appropriates, depends on the size of its variable component.
If a capital whose percentage composition is 90c + 10v produced, at the same degree of exploitation of labour, just as much surplus-value or profit as a capital of 10c + 90v, then it would be crystal clear that surplus-value — and so value itself — would have to have some quite different source than labour, and that this would knock away every rational basis for political economy. Let £1 stand throughout for a worker's weekly wage for 60 hours of labour, and the rate of surplus-value = 100 per cent. Then plainly the total value-product one worker can deliver in a week is £2; ten workers, then, could deliver no more than £20 — and since £10 of that £20 replaces wages, the ten could create no greater surplus-value than £10. But the ninety, whose total product = £180 and whose wages = £90, would create a surplus-value of £90. The rate of profit would then be 10 per cent in the one case, 90 per cent in the other. Were it otherwise, value and surplus-value would have to be something other than objectified labour.
So because capitals in different spheres of production, reduced to percentages — that is, capitals of equal size — divide unequally into constant and variable elements, set unequal amounts of living labour in motion, and therefore create unequal amounts of surplus-value, and so of profit, the rate of profit — which is simply surplus-value calculated as a percentage of the total capital — differs between them.
But if capitals of different spheres of production, reduced to percentages — that is, capitals of equal size in different spheres of production — produce unequal profits owing to their differing organic composition, it follows that the profits of unequal capitals in different spheres of production cannot stand in proportion to their respective sizes: that is, profits in different spheres of production are not proportional to the sizes of the capitals respectively applied in them. For profit growing in proportion to the size of the capital applied would presuppose that, considered as percentages, the profits are equal — that equal-sized capitals in different spheres of production have equal rates of profit despite their differing organic composition. Only within one and the same sphere of production, where the organic composition of capital is given, or between different spheres of production of equal organic composition, do the masses of profit stand in direct proportion to the mass of capital applied. To say that the profits of capitals of unequal size are proportional to their sizes means nothing more than that equal-sized capitals throw off equal-sized profits, or that the rate of profit is the same for all capitals, whatever their size and their organic composition.
All this holds on the assumption that commodities are sold at their values. The value of a commodity equals the value of the constant capital contained in it, plus the value of the variable capital reproduced in it, plus what is added on top of that variable capital — the surplus-value produced. At an equal rate of surplus-value, the amount of surplus-value obviously depends on the amount of variable capital. The value of the product of a capital of 100 is, in the one case, 90c + 10v + 10s = 110; in the other, 10c + 90v + 90s = 190. If the commodities are sold at their values, the first product sells at 110, of which 10 is surplus-value, or unpaid labour; the second sells at 190, of which 90 is surplus-value, or unpaid labour.
This matters especially when national rates of profit are compared with one another. Suppose that in a European country the rate of surplus-value is 100 per cent — that is, the worker works half the day for himself and half for his employer — while in an Asian country it is 25 per cent — the worker works four-fifths of the day for himself and one-fifth for his employer. But suppose the composition of the national capital in the European country is 84c + 16v, while in the Asian country, where little machinery is applied and a given quantity of labour-power productively consumes relatively little raw material in a given time, the composition is 16c + 84v. We then have the following calculation:
In the European country the product is worth 116 for every 100 laid out — 84c + 16v + 16s = 116 — so the rate of profit is 16/100 = 16 per cent.
In the Asian country the product is worth 121 for every 100 laid out — 16c + 84v + 21s = 121 — so the rate of profit is 21/100 = 21 per cent.
So the rate of profit is more than 25 per cent greater in the Asian country than in the European, even though the Asian rate of surplus-value is only a fourth as great as the European. Carey, Bastiat, and their like will conclude exactly the opposite.
A remark in passing: different national rates of profit will mostly rest on different national rates of surplus-value. But what we are comparing in this chapter are unequal rates of profit that spring from one and the same rate of surplus-value.
Besides the differing organic composition of capitals — that is, besides the differing amounts of labour, and so, other things equal, of surplus labour, that equal-sized capitals set in motion in different spheres of production — there is another source of inequality among rates of profit: the difference in how long capital takes to turn over in different spheres of production. We saw in Chapter 4 that, with capitals of equal composition and other circumstances equal, rates of profit vary inversely with turnover times, and likewise that the same variable capital, turning over in different periods, brings in unequal amounts of surplus-value in the course of the year. So the difference in turnover times is another reason why equal-sized capitals in different spheres of production do not produce equal-sized profits in equal periods, and why the rates of profit in these different spheres therefore differ.
As for the proportion in which capitals divide into fixed and circulating capital, this, taken by itself, does not affect the rate of profit at all. It can only affect it if this differing proportion happens to coincide with a differing ratio between the variable and constant parts — so that it is this difference, and not the one between circulating and fixed, that the differing rate of profit is really owed to — or if the differing ratio between fixed and circulating components brings about a difference in the turnover time within which a given profit is realized.
If capitals split in different proportions into fixed and circulating capital, this will indeed always influence their turnover time and produce a difference in it. But it does not follow that the turnover time in which these same capitals realize profit is different. Suppose A must constantly convert a larger part of its product into raw material and the like, while B needs the same machines for a longer time with less raw material: so far as each is producing, both always have a part of their capital tied up — one in raw material, that is, circulating capital, the other in machines, that is, fixed capital. A constantly converts a part of its capital from commodity-form into money-form and back again into the form of raw material, while B uses a part of its capital, without any such change, as an instrument of labour for a longer period. If both apply the same amount of labour, then over the course of the year they will indeed sell masses of product of unequal value, but both masses of product will contain the same amount of surplus-value, and their rates of profit, reckoned on the whole capital advanced, are the same — although their composition of fixed and circulating capital, and likewise their turnover time, differ. Both capitals realize equal profits in equal times, although they turn over in different times.
The difference in turnover time matters, taken by itself, only so far as it affects the amount of surplus labour that the same capital can appropriate and realize in a given time. So if an unequal composition of circulating and fixed capital does not necessarily bring with it an inequality of turnover time — which is what in turn produces an inequality in the rate of profit — then it is clear that, where such an inequality does occur, it does not arise from the unequal composition of circulating and fixed capital as such, but rather from the fact that this unequal composition here merely signals an inequality of turnover times, and it is that which affects the rate of profit.
So the differing composition of constant capital into circulating and fixed, across different branches of industry, has no significance in itself for the rate of profit, since it is the ratio of variable to constant capital that decides it, and the value of the constant capital — and so also its relative size against the variable — is entirely independent of whether its components are fixed or circulating in character. What will indeed be found, though — and this is part of what leads to false conclusions — is that wherever fixed capital is heavily developed, this is only an expression of the fact that production is being carried on on a large scale, so that constant capital greatly outweighs variable, or that the living labour-power applied is small relative to the mass of means of production it sets in motion.
So we have shown that in different branches of industry, corresponding to the differing organic composition of capitals and — within the limits set out — also to their differing turnover times, unequal rates of profit prevail. It follows that, even at an equal rate of surplus-value, the law that profits stand in proportion to the sizes of the capitals, and that equal-sized capitals therefore throw off equal-sized profits in equal periods, holds — as a general tendency — only for capitals of equal organic composition, and only assuming equal turnover times besides. What has been shown holds on the same basis that has been the basis of our whole account so far: that commodities are sold at their values.
On the other hand, there is no doubt that in reality — setting aside inessential, accidental differences that cancel each other out — the difference between the average rates of profit across the various branches of industry does not exist, and could not exist, without abolishing the whole system of capitalist production.
It seems, then, that the theory of value is incompatible here with the actual movement of things, incompatible with the actual appearances of production, and that any hope of understanding those appearances must therefore be given up altogether.
It follows from Part One of this volume that cost prices are the same for products of different spheres of production in which equal-sized portions of capital have been advanced, however different the organic composition of these capitals may be. In the cost price, the distinction between variable and constant capital disappears for the capitalist. A commodity that costs him £100 to produce costs him the same £100 whether he lays out 90c + 10v or 10c + 90v to produce it. It always costs him £100, neither more nor less. Cost prices are the same for equal-sized capital outlays in different spheres of production, however different the values and surplus-values produced may be. This equality of cost prices forms the basis of the competition among capital investments, through which average profit is established.
The previous Part showed that the rate of profit can rise or fall even while the rate of surplus-value stays the same. This chapter now assumes that the degree to which labour is exploited — and so the rate of surplus-value and the length of the working day — is the same in every sphere of production into which a country's social labour is divided.
Adam Smith already showed at length that many differences in how labour is exploited across different spheres even out, through all sorts of grounds for compensation — some real, some merely accepted out of prejudice. Because such differences are only apparent and tend to vanish, they don't count in an investigation into the general relations.
Other differences, for instance in the level of wages, mostly rest on the distinction between simple and complex labour already mentioned near the start of Volume 1. That distinction makes workers' lot very unequal across different spheres, but it does not touch the degree to which labour is exploited in those spheres at all: if a goldsmith's labour is paid more than a day-labourer's, then the goldsmith's surplus labour produces, in that very same proportion, more surplus-value too.
Where local obstacles of many kinds hold back the equalizing of wages and working days — and so of the rate of surplus-value — between different spheres of production, or even between different capital investments within the same sphere, this equalizing still happens more and more as capitalist production advances and subordinates every economic relation to itself. Studying such frictions matters for any specialized work on wages, but for a general investigation of capitalist production they are accidental and inessential, to be left aside. In such a general investigation it is always assumed that actual relations correspond to their concept — or, what comes to the same thing, actual relations are depicted only so far as they express their own general type.
The difference between rates of surplus-value in different countries — and so between the different national levels of exploitation of labour — is of no concern to the present investigation. What this part sets out to show is how a general rate of profit gets established within a single country. When comparing different countries' rates of profit, it is clear enough that one only needs to combine what was worked out earlier with what is worked out here: first take the difference in national rates of surplus-value, then compare, on the basis of those given rates, the difference in national rates of profit. Whatever part of that difference does not come from a difference in national rates of surplus-value must be owed to the kind of circumstances that this chapter investigates, where surplus-value is assumed to be everywhere the same, constant.
The previous chapter showed that, with the rate of surplus-value held constant, the rate of profit a given capital yields can rise or fall because of circumstances that raise or lower the value of one part or another of the constant capital, and so affect the ratio between the constant and variable parts of the capital. It was also noted that circumstances lengthening or shortening a capital's turnover time can affect the rate of profit in a similar way.
Since the mass of profit is identical with the mass of surplus-value — is the surplus-value itself — it was also shown that the mass of profit, unlike the rate of profit, is not touched by those value fluctuations. They only altered the rate at which a given surplus-value, and so a profit of a given size, gets expressed — that is, its proportional size, its size measured against the size of the capital advanced.
So far as those value fluctuations tied up or released capital, profit itself, not only its rate, could be affected by this indirect route. But even then this held only of capital already invested, never of a new investment; and beyond that, any increase or decrease in the profit itself still depended entirely on how far those value fluctuations let more or less labour be set in motion with the same capital — that is, on whether the same capital, with the rate of surplus-value unchanged, could produce a larger or smaller mass of surplus-value. Far from contradicting the general law, or forming an exception to it, this apparent exception was in fact only a particular case of the general law being applied.
The previous Part showed that, with the degree of exploitation held constant, a change in the value of the constant capital's components, and likewise a change in the capital's turnover time, altered the rate of profit. From this it follows naturally that the rates of profit in different spheres of production existing side by side at the same time will differ — whenever, other things being equal, the turnover time of the capitals employed differs, or the value ratio between the organic parts of those capitals differs from one branch of production to another.
What we previously considered as changes happening one after another in time within the same capital, we now consider as differences that exist all at once, side by side, between capital investments standing next to one another in different spheres of production.
Here we will need to examine: first, the difference in the organic composition of capitals; second, the difference in their turnover time.
The assumption running through this whole investigation is, of course, that whenever we speak of the composition or turnover of capital in a given branch of production, we always mean the average, normal ratio of the capital invested in that branch — the average of the total capital invested in that particular sphere as a whole, never the accidental differences among the individual capitals invested within it.
Since it is also assumed that the rate of surplus-value and the working day are constant — and this assumption includes a constant wage as well — a given amount of variable capital expresses a given amount of labour-power set in motion, and so a determinate amount of labour that will become objectified. If £100 expresses the weekly wage of 100 workers, that is, actually indicates 100 units of labour-power, then n times £100 indicates the weekly wage of n times 100 workers, and £100 divided by n the weekly wage of 100 divided by n workers.
Variable capital thus serves here, as is always the case once the wage is given, as an index of the mass of labour set in motion by a given total capital; differences in the size of the variable capital employed therefore serve as indices of differences in the mass of labour-power employed. If £100 represents 100 workers for a week, and so, at 60 hours of work a week, represents 6,000 hours of labour, then £200 represents 12,000 hours, and £50 only 3,000 hours.
By the composition of capital we understand, as already explained in Volume 1, the ratio between its active and its passive component — the variable and the constant capital. Two ratios come into play here, and they are not of equal importance, although under certain circumstances they can produce the same effect.
The first ratio rests on a technical basis, and at a given stage in the development of the productive power it is to be taken as given. A certain mass of labour-power, represented by a certain number of workers, is needed to produce a certain mass of product, say in one day — and, bound up with that, to set in motion, to consume productively, a certain mass of means of production: machinery, raw materials, and so on. A definite number of workers corresponds to a definite quantity of means of production, and so a definite quantity of living labour corresponds to a definite quantity of labour already objectified in those means of production.
This ratio varies a great deal between different spheres of production, often even between different branches of one and the same industry, although by chance it can turn out to be wholly or nearly the same in industries lying very far apart from one another.
This ratio forms the technical composition of capital, and it is the actual basis of the capital's organic composition.
But it is also possible for that ratio to be the same in different branches of industry, so far as the variable capital is a mere index of labour-power and the constant capital a mere index of the mass of means of production that labour-power sets in motion. Certain kinds of work in copper and in iron, for instance, may presuppose the same ratio between labour-power and mass of means of production. But since copper is more expensive than iron, the value ratio between variable and constant capital will differ in the two cases, and so will the value composition of the two total capitals.
The difference between the technical composition and the value composition shows up, in every branch of industry, in this: that with the technical composition constant, the value ratio between the two parts of the capital can change, and with the technical composition altered, the value ratio can stay the same — the latter, of course, only if the change in the ratio of the masses of means of production and labour-power employed is offset by an opposite change in their values.
The value composition of capital, in so far as it is determined by the capital's technical composition and reflects that technical composition, we call the organic composition of capital.
With the variable capital, then, we assume that it is an index of a definite quantity of labour-power, of a definite number of workers, or of a definite mass of living labour set in motion. It was seen in the previous Part that a change in the value-magnitude of the variable capital might represent nothing more than a higher or lower price for the very same mass of labour; but here, where the rate of surplus-value and the working day are treated as constant, and the wage for a certain labour-time is treated as given, that possibility drops away.
A difference in the size of the constant capital, by contrast, can indeed also be an index of a change in the mass of means of production set in motion by a certain quantity of labour-power; but it can also arise from a difference in the value that the means of production set in motion have in one sphere of production as against another. Both points of view therefore have to be taken into consideration here.
Finally, the following essential point should be noted:
Suppose £100 is the weekly wage of 100 workers. Suppose the weekly working time is 60 hours. Suppose, further, that the rate of surplus-value is 100 per cent. In that case the workers spend 30 of the 60 hours working for themselves, and 30 hours working for nothing for the capitalist.
In fact the £100 wage embodies only 30 hours of labour from each of the 100 workers — 3,000 hours of labour in all — while the other 3,000 hours they work are embodied in the £100 of surplus-value, or profit, that the capitalist pockets. So although the £100 wage does not express the value in which the week's labour of the 100 workers is objectified, it nonetheless shows — since the length of the working day and the rate of surplus-value are given — that this capital has set 100 workers in motion for 6,000 hours of labour in all.
The £100 capital shows this for two reasons. First, it indicates the number of workers set in motion, since £1 equals 1 worker per week, so £100 equals 100 workers. Second, because every worker set in motion, at the given rate of surplus-value of 100 per cent, performs twice as much labour as is contained in his wage: so £1, his wage — itself the expression of half a week's labour — sets a whole week's labour in motion, and likewise £100, although it contains only 50 weeks of labour, sets 100 weeks of labour in motion.
There is, then, a very essential distinction to be drawn in the variable capital laid out in wages: between its value, the sum of the wages, so far as that value represents a determinate quantity of objectified labour, and that same value so far as it is merely an index of the mass of living labour it sets in motion. The mass of living labour set in motion is always greater than the labour contained in the variable capital, and so it is also expressed in a higher value than the value of the variable capital itself — a value fixed, on one side, by the number of workers the variable capital sets in motion, and on the other, by the quantity of surplus labour they perform.
It follows from this way of looking at variable capital:
Suppose a capital invested in one sphere of production, A, lays out only 100 of its total 700 as variable capital and 600 as constant, while in another sphere, B, 600 is laid out as variable and only 100 as constant. Then the total capital of 700 in A sets in motion a labour-power of only 100 — on the earlier assumption, 100 weeks of labour, or 6,000 hours of living labour — while the equal-sized total capital of 700 in B sets in motion 600 weeks, or 36,000 hours of living labour. Capital A would therefore appropriate only 50 weeks, or 3,000 hours, of surplus labour, while the equal-sized capital in B would appropriate 300 weeks, or 18,000 hours.
Variable capital is an index not only of the labour it itself contains, but — given a fixed rate of surplus-value — also of the extra, surplus labour it sets in motion beyond that. At the same degree of exploitation of labour, the profit would be 100/700 = 1/7 = 14 2/7 per cent in the first case, and 600/700 = 85 5/7 per cent in the second: six times the rate. But in fact the profit itself would also be six times greater in this case — 600 for B against 100 for A — because six times as much living labour is set in motion with the same capital, so that at the same degree of exploitation of labour, six times the surplus-value, and hence six times the profit, is made.
Suppose that instead of 700, capital A applied £7,000, while B still applied only £700. Then, with the organic composition unchanged, capital A would lay out £1,000 of the £7,000 as variable capital — that is, 1,000 workers weekly, or 60,000 hours of living labour, of which 30,000 hours would be surplus labour. But as before, A would set in motion, for each £700, only a sixth as much living labour, and hence only a sixth as much surplus labour, as B, and so also produce only a sixth as much profit. Looking at the rate of profit: 1,000/7,000 = 100/700 = 14 2/7 per cent, against 600/700, or 85 5/7 per cent, for capital B. Taking equal amounts of capital, the rate of profit differs here because, at an equal rate of surplus-value, the differing masses of living labour set in motion mean that the masses of surplus-value produced, and hence the profits, differ.
The same result follows, in fact, when the technical relations are the same in one sphere of production as in the other, but the value of the constant-capital elements applied is greater or smaller. Suppose both apply £100 as variable capital, and so both need 100 workers weekly to set the same quantity of machinery and raw material in motion — but that this quantity is dearer in B than in A. Then for every £100 of variable capital, A might need, say, £200 of constant capital, and B £400. At a rate of surplus-value of 100 per cent, the surplus-value produced is £100 in both cases, and so the profit is also £100 in both cases. But in A, 100/(200c + 100v) = 1/3 = 33⅓ per cent; in B, 100/(400c + 100v) = 1/5 = 20 per cent. Indeed, taking a definite fraction of the total capital in each case, in B only £20 out of every £100, or a fifth, is variable capital, while in A, £33⅓ out of every £100, or a third, is variable. B produces less profit for every £100 because, for every £100, it sets less living labour in motion than A. The difference in the rates of profit resolves, once again, into a difference in the masses of profit produced for every 100 of capital invested — that is, into a difference in the masses of surplus-value produced.
The difference between this second example and the one before is only this: equalizing A and B in the second case would require only a change in the value of the constant capital, whether A's or B's, with the technical basis unchanged; in the first case, by contrast, the technical composition itself differs between the two spheres of production, and would have to be revolutionized to bring about equality.
So the differing organic composition of capitals is independent of their absolute size. The only question is always how much of every 100 is variable capital, and how much is constant.
Capitals of different sizes reduced to percentages — or, which comes to the same thing here, capitals of equal size — therefore produce, at an equal working day and an equal degree of exploitation of labour, very different amounts of profit, because they produce very different amounts of surplus-value; and this is because, given the differing organic composition of capital in different spheres of production, their variable part differs, so the quantities of living labour they set in motion differ, and so too do the quantities of surplus labour they appropriate — the substance of surplus-value, and hence of profit.
Equal-sized pieces of the total capital in different spheres of production enclose unequal-sized sources of surplus-value — and the only source of surplus-value is living labour. At an equal degree of exploitation of labour, the amount of labour set in motion by a capital of 100, and hence also the surplus labour it appropriates, depends on the size of its variable component.
If a capital whose percentage composition is 90c + 10v produced, at the same degree of exploitation of labour, just as much surplus-value or profit as a capital of 10c + 90v, then it would be crystal clear that surplus-value — and so value itself — would have to have some quite different source than labour, and that this would knock away every rational basis for political economy. Let £1 stand throughout for a worker's weekly wage for 60 hours of labour, and the rate of surplus-value = 100 per cent. Then plainly the total value-product one worker can deliver in a week is £2; ten workers, then, could deliver no more than £20 — and since £10 of that £20 replaces wages, the ten could create no greater surplus-value than £10. But the ninety, whose total product = £180 and whose wages = £90, would create a surplus-value of £90. The rate of profit would then be 10 per cent in the one case, 90 per cent in the other. Were it otherwise, value and surplus-value would have to be something other than objectified labour.
So because capitals in different spheres of production, reduced to percentages — that is, capitals of equal size — divide unequally into constant and variable elements, set unequal amounts of living labour in motion, and therefore create unequal amounts of surplus-value, and so of profit, the rate of profit — which is simply surplus-value calculated as a percentage of the total capital — differs between them.
But if capitals of different spheres of production, reduced to percentages — that is, capitals of equal size in different spheres of production — produce unequal profits owing to their differing organic composition, it follows that the profits of unequal capitals in different spheres of production cannot stand in proportion to their respective sizes: that is, profits in different spheres of production are not proportional to the sizes of the capitals respectively applied in them. For profit growing in proportion to the size of the capital applied would presuppose that, considered as percentages, the profits are equal — that equal-sized capitals in different spheres of production have equal rates of profit despite their differing organic composition. Only within one and the same sphere of production, where the organic composition of capital is given, or between different spheres of production of equal organic composition, do the masses of profit stand in direct proportion to the mass of capital applied. To say that the profits of capitals of unequal size are proportional to their sizes means nothing more than that equal-sized capitals throw off equal-sized profits, or that the rate of profit is the same for all capitals, whatever their size and their organic composition.
All this holds on the assumption that commodities are sold at their values. The value of a commodity equals the value of the constant capital contained in it, plus the value of the variable capital reproduced in it, plus what is added on top of that variable capital — the surplus-value produced. At an equal rate of surplus-value, the amount of surplus-value obviously depends on the amount of variable capital. The value of the product of a capital of 100 is, in the one case, 90c + 10v + 10s = 110; in the other, 10c + 90v + 90s = 190. If the commodities are sold at their values, the first product sells at 110, of which 10 is surplus-value, or unpaid labour; the second sells at 190, of which 90 is surplus-value, or unpaid labour.
This matters especially when national rates of profit are compared with one another. Suppose that in a European country the rate of surplus-value is 100 per cent — that is, the worker works half the day for himself and half for his employer — while in an Asian country it is 25 per cent — the worker works four-fifths of the day for himself and one-fifth for his employer. But suppose the composition of the national capital in the European country is 84c + 16v, while in the Asian country, where little machinery is applied and a given quantity of labour-power productively consumes relatively little raw material in a given time, the composition is 16c + 84v. We then have the following calculation:
In the European country the product is worth 116 for every 100 laid out — 84c + 16v + 16s = 116 — so the rate of profit is 16/100 = 16 per cent.
In the Asian country the product is worth 121 for every 100 laid out — 16c + 84v + 21s = 121 — so the rate of profit is 21/100 = 21 per cent.
So the rate of profit is more than 25 per cent greater in the Asian country than in the European, even though the Asian rate of surplus-value is only a fourth as great as the European. Carey, Bastiat, and their like will conclude exactly the opposite.
A remark in passing: different national rates of profit will mostly rest on different national rates of surplus-value. But what we are comparing in this chapter are unequal rates of profit that spring from one and the same rate of surplus-value.
Besides the differing organic composition of capitals — that is, besides the differing amounts of labour, and so, other things equal, of surplus labour, that equal-sized capitals set in motion in different spheres of production — there is another source of inequality among rates of profit: the difference in how long capital takes to turn over in different spheres of production. We saw in Chapter 4 that, with capitals of equal composition and other circumstances equal, rates of profit vary inversely with turnover times, and likewise that the same variable capital, turning over in different periods, brings in unequal amounts of surplus-value in the course of the year. So the difference in turnover times is another reason why equal-sized capitals in different spheres of production do not produce equal-sized profits in equal periods, and why the rates of profit in these different spheres therefore differ.
As for the proportion in which capitals divide into fixed and circulating capital, this, taken by itself, does not affect the rate of profit at all. It can only affect it if this differing proportion happens to coincide with a differing ratio between the variable and constant parts — so that it is this difference, and not the one between circulating and fixed, that the differing rate of profit is really owed to — or if the differing ratio between fixed and circulating components brings about a difference in the turnover time within which a given profit is realized.
If capitals split in different proportions into fixed and circulating capital, this will indeed always influence their turnover time and produce a difference in it. But it does not follow that the turnover time in which these same capitals realize profit is different. Suppose A must constantly convert a larger part of its product into raw material and the like, while B needs the same machines for a longer time with less raw material: so far as each is producing, both always have a part of their capital tied up — one in raw material, that is, circulating capital, the other in machines, that is, fixed capital. A constantly converts a part of its capital from commodity-form into money-form and back again into the form of raw material, while B uses a part of its capital, without any such change, as an instrument of labour for a longer period. If both apply the same amount of labour, then over the course of the year they will indeed sell masses of product of unequal value, but both masses of product will contain the same amount of surplus-value, and their rates of profit, reckoned on the whole capital advanced, are the same — although their composition of fixed and circulating capital, and likewise their turnover time, differ. Both capitals realize equal profits in equal times, although they turn over in different times.
The difference in turnover time matters, taken by itself, only so far as it affects the amount of surplus labour that the same capital can appropriate and realize in a given time. So if an unequal composition of circulating and fixed capital does not necessarily bring with it an inequality of turnover time — which is what in turn produces an inequality in the rate of profit — then it is clear that, where such an inequality does occur, it does not arise from the unequal composition of circulating and fixed capital as such, but rather from the fact that this unequal composition here merely signals an inequality of turnover times, and it is that which affects the rate of profit.
So the differing composition of constant capital into circulating and fixed, across different branches of industry, has no significance in itself for the rate of profit, since it is the ratio of variable to constant capital that decides it, and the value of the constant capital — and so also its relative size against the variable — is entirely independent of whether its components are fixed or circulating in character. What will indeed be found, though — and this is part of what leads to false conclusions — is that wherever fixed capital is heavily developed, this is only an expression of the fact that production is being carried on on a large scale, so that constant capital greatly outweighs variable, or that the living labour-power applied is small relative to the mass of means of production it sets in motion.
So we have shown that in different branches of industry, corresponding to the differing organic composition of capitals and — within the limits set out — also to their differing turnover times, unequal rates of profit prevail. It follows that, even at an equal rate of surplus-value, the law that profits stand in proportion to the sizes of the capitals, and that equal-sized capitals therefore throw off equal-sized profits in equal periods, holds — as a general tendency — only for capitals of equal organic composition, and only assuming equal turnover times besides. What has been shown holds on the same basis that has been the basis of our whole account so far: that commodities are sold at their values.
On the other hand, there is no doubt that in reality — setting aside inessential, accidental differences that cancel each other out — the difference between the average rates of profit across the various branches of industry does not exist, and could not exist, without abolishing the whole system of capitalist production.
It seems, then, that the theory of value is incompatible here with the actual movement of things, incompatible with the actual appearances of production, and that any hope of understanding those appearances must therefore be given up altogether.
It follows from Part One of this volume that cost prices are the same for products of different spheres of production in which equal-sized portions of capital have been advanced, however different the organic composition of these capitals may be. In the cost price, the distinction between variable and constant capital disappears for the capitalist. A commodity that costs him £100 to produce costs him the same £100 whether he lays out 90c + 10v or 10c + 90v to produce it. It always costs him £100, neither more nor less. Cost prices are the same for equal-sized capital outlays in different spheres of production, however different the values and surplus-values produced may be. This equality of cost prices forms the basis of the competition among capital investments, through which average profit is established.